IT  WAS  PHILIP  HIMSELF,  MUSING  PERHAPS 
UPON  THE  FATE  WHICH  AWAITED  HIM. 


Everybody  s  Books  Series 


Indian   Biography 

Manners,    Customs,    Wars 

U 


A  MINUTE  AND  GRAPHIC 
STORY  OF  EARLY  INDIAN 
LIFE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 
-A  VALUABLE  COMPEND- 
IUM TO  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


0 


B.  B.  THATCHER,  18 

/X  I 


D.  M.  MAC  LELLAN  BOOK  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  AND  AKRON,  O. 


I  °lio 


COPYRIGHT,  1910,  BY 
THE  WERNER  COMPANY 


THE  WERNER  COMPANY,  AKRON,  OHIO 


PREFACE 


THE  following  work  does  not  require  an  elaborate 
explanation  or  an  apology  of  any  kind.  It  is,  historic- 
ally, a  mere  act  of  justice  to  the  fame  and  the  memo- 
ries of  many  wise,  brilliant,  brave  and  glorious  men — 
patriots,  orators,  warriors  and  statesmen,  who  ruled 
over  barbarian  communities  and  were  indeed  them- 
selves barbarians,  but  whose  influence,  eloquence  and 
success  of  every  description  were  therefore  but  the 
nobler  objects  of  admiration  and  the  worthier  subjects 
for  record. 

Nor  can  a  reader  with  a  philosophical  turn  of  mind 
look  upon  them  without  predilection.  Comparatively 
child-like  and  unaffected  as  they  were — owing  little  to 
circumstances  and  struggling  much  amidst  and  against 
them — their  situation  was  the  best  possible  for  devel- 
oping both  genius  and  principle  and  their  education 
at  the  same  time  the  best  for  disclosing  them.  Their 
lives,  then,  should  illustrate  the  true  constitution  of 
man.  They  should  have,  above  all  other  history,  the 
praise  and  the  interest  of  "  philosophy  searching  by 
example." 

Furthermore  it  ought  always  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  we  owe,  and  our  fathers  and  forefathers  owed  so 
much  to  the  Indians, — so  much  from  man  to  man, — so 
much  from  race  to  race — to  deny  them  the  poor  resti- 

(i) 


ii  PREFACE 

tution  of  historical  justice  at  least,  however  the  issue 
may  have  been  or  may  be  with  themselves.  Nor  need 
it  be  suggested  that  the  information  contained  in  these 
volumes  is  bound  to  throw  collateral  lights  on  the  his- 
tory and  biography  of  our  nation. 

The  extreme  difficulty  of  doing  justice  to  any  indi- 
vidual of  the  race,  and  at  the  same  time  to  all  has  been 
most  happily  overcome.  Due  notice  was  also  be- 
stowed on  important  characters  like  Buckongahelas, 
White-Eyes,  Pipe,  and  Occonostota  whom  other 
authors  have  treated  only  in  the  most  perfunctory 
manner. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 

VOLUME    I 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Indian  tribes  of  Virginia  at  the  date  of  the  Jamestown  settlement: 
their  names,  numbers  and  power — The  Powhatan  confederacy — The 
Indian  Village  of  that  name — Powhatan — The  circumstances  of  the  first 
interview  between  him  and  the  English — Opechancanough,  his  brother 
— Opitchipan — Reception  of  Captain  Smith  by  Powhatan — Interposi- 
tion of  Pocahontas  in  his  favor — Second  Visit  of  the  colonists — Third 
visit,  and  coronation — Entertainment  of  Smith  by  Pocahontas — Con- 
test of  ingenuity  between  PowhatP.n  and  Smith :  and  between  the  latter 
and  Opechancanough — Smith  saved  again  by  Pocahontas — Political 
manoeuvres  of  Powhatan  and  Opechancanough — Smith's  return  to 
Jamestown  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Conduct  of  of  Powhatan  after  Smith's  departure  for  England,  and  causes 
of  it — Hostilities  resumed — Peace  finally  effected  by  the  capture  of 
Pocahontas — Manner  of  gaining  this  point — Marriage  of  Pocahontas 
with  John  Rplfe — Death  and  character  of  Powhatan — His  person, 
manner  of  living,  talents,  influence — His  method  and  means  of  war- 
fare— The  discipline  of  his  warriors — The  manner  in  which  he  availed 
himself  of  the  English  arms  and  science — Causes  of  his  hostility  to- 
wards the  colonists — His  dignity — Shrewdness — Independence — Cour- 
tesy— Liberality — Simplicity — Affection  for  his  relatives — A  review 
of  various  opinions  entertained  of  him  by  various  historians 35 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  family  of  Powhatan — His  successor — Sequel  of  the  history  of  Poca- 
hontas— Her  acts  of  kindness  to  the  colonists  at  various  times,  and 
especially  to  Smith — His  gratitude — Her  civilization,  and  instruction 
in  Christianity — Her  visit  to  England  in  1616 — Reception  at  Court — 
Interview  with  Smith — His  memorial  respecting  her  to  Queen  Anne 
— Her  death  and  character — Her  descendants 65 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Sequel  of  the  history  of  Opechancanough — Renewal,  by  him  and  Opitchi- 
pan, of  the  treaty  of  peace — Finesse  by  which  he  extended  his 
dominion  over  the  Chickahominies — Preparations  for  War — Causes 
of  it — Profound  dissimulation  under  which  his  hostility  was  con- 
cealed— Indian  custom  of  making  Conjurers — Manoeuvres  against  the 
English  interest — The  great  massacre  of  1622;  circumstances  and 
consequences  of  it — Particular  occasion  which  led  to  it — Character 
and  death  of  Nemattanow — Details  of  the  war  subsequent  to  the 
massacre — Truce  broken  by  the  English — New  exertions  of  Opech- 

(iii) 


iv  CONTENTS 

ancanough — Battle  of  Pamunkey — Peace  of  1632 — Massacre  of  1641 
— Capture  of  Opechancanough  by  the  English — His  Death  and  char- 
acter    78 

CHAPTER  V. 

Biography  of  other  Virginian  chieftains — Opitchipan — Some  particulars 
respecting  Tomocomo — His  visit  to  England,  interview  with  Captain 
Smith,  and  return  to  America — Japazaws,  chief  sachem  of  the  Pato- 
womekes — His  friendship  for  the  English — 111  treatment  which  he 
received  from  them — Totopotomoi,  successor  of  Opechancanough — His 
services — His  death  in  1656 — Notices  of  several  native  chiefs  of 
North  Carolina — Granganimo,  who  dies  in  1585 — Menatenon,  king  of 
the  Chowanocks — Ensenore,  father  of  Granganimo;  and  Wingina, 
his  brother — Plot  of  the  latter  against  the  Hatteras  colony — His 
death — Comment  on  the  Carolinian  Biography 97 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Synopsis  of  the  New  England  Indians  at  the  date  of  the  Plymouth 
Settlement — The  Pokanoket  confederacy — The  Wampanoag  tribe — 
Their  first  head-Sachem  known  to  the  English,  Massasoit — The  first 
interview  between  him  and  the  whites — His  visit  to  Plymouth,  in 
1621 — Treaty  of  peace  and  friendship — Embassy  sent  to  him  at 
Sowams,  by  the  English — Anecdotes  respecting  it — He  is  suspected 
of  treachery  or  hostility,  in  1622 — His  sickness  in  1623 — A  second 
deputation  visits  him — Ceremonies  and  results  of  the  visit — His  in- 
tercourse with  other  tribes — Conveyances  of  land  to  the  English — 
His  death  and  character — Anecdotes 120 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Massasoit  succeeded  by  his  son  Alexander — The  occasion  of  that  name 
being  given  by  the  English — History  of  Alexander  previous  to  his 
father's  death — Covenant  made  with  Plymouth  in  1639 — Measures 
taken  in  pursuance  of  it,  in  1661 — Anecdote  illustrating  the  character 
of  Alexander — Notice  of  the  charges  made  against  him — Examina- 
tion of  the  transaction  which  led  to  his  death — Accession  of  Philip — • 
Renewal  of  the  treaty  by  him — Interruption  of  harmony — Supposed 
causes  of  it — Measures  taken  in  consequence — Philip's  submission — 
Letter  to  the  Plymouth  Governor — Second  submission  in  1671 — Re- 
marks on  the  causes  of  Philip's  War : .  148 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Preparations  of  war  between  Philip  and  the  Colonies — Great  excitement 
of  the  times — Deposition  of  Hugh  Cole — Immediate  occasion  of  hos- 
tilities— Commencement  of  them,  June  24th,  1675 — Summary  sketch 
of  the  war — Consequences  to  the  parties  engaged — Exertions,  ad- 
ventures and  escapes  of  King  Philip — His  death — Anecdotes  respect- 
ing him — Observations  on  his  character — His  courage,  dignity,  kind- 
ness, independence,  shrewdness,  and  self-command — -Fate  of  his  fam- 
ily— Defence  of  his  conduct 169 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Narraghansett  tribe ;  territory  and  power — Chief  Sachems  at  the 
date  of  the  English  settlements  in  New  England — Canonicus  asso- 
ciates with  himself  Miantonomo,  his  nephew — Their  treatment  of 


CONTENTS  v 

Roger  Williams  in  1634— Hostility  to  the  Plymouth  Colony— Invited 
by  the  Pequots  to  fight  the  English — Treaty  negotiated  at  Boston, 
in  1636,  by  Miantonomo — War  with  the  Pequots  and  result  of  it — 
Subsequent  hostility  between  Miantonomo  and  Uncas — Sequassen — 
Battle  of  the  Sachem's-Plain— Capture  of  Miantonomo — Sentence  of 
the  English  commissioners  upon  him — Execution  of  it 188 

CHAPTER  X. 

Consideration  of  the  justice  of  the  Commissioners'  sentence  upon  Mian- 
tonomo— Their  reasons,  as  alleged — The  charge  against  him  of  ambi- 
tious designs^ — Of  employing  the  Mohawks — Of  breaking  the  league 
of  1638 — '  Concerning  the  Pequot  squaws  ' — Of  hostility  to  the  Eng- 
lish— Of  peculation — Proofs  of  his  fidelity  and  friendship — Causes  of 
complaint  by  him  and  Canonicus  against  the  English — Character  of 
both  Sachems — Their  treatment  of  Roger  Williams — Letters  of  that 
gentleman — Anecdotes — Death  of  Canonicus 203 

CHAPTER  XL 

Canonicus  succeeded  by  Pessacus — Mexham — Ninigret,  Sachem  of  the  Nian- 
ticks — Proposals  made  by  them  to  the  English,  and  by  the  English 
in  return — They  commence  hostilities  against  Uncas — The  English 
resolve  to  make  war  upon  them — They  make  concessions — Their  visits 
to  Boston — Subsequent  movements  against  Uncas.  An  armed  party 
sent  against  Ninigret  and  Pessacus — They  are  accused  of  a  league 
with  the  Dutch  against  the  English 224 


Sequel  of  the  liv 
sations,  depu 
English — Con 
cation  for  jus 
sequences  of 


CHAPTER  XII. 

s  of  Ninigret  and  Pessacus,  ^  from  1653 — Various  accu- 
ations,  and  hostile  movements  between  them  and  the 
roversy  between  Ninigret  and  Harmon  Garrett — Appli- 
ice  in  1675 — Conduct  of  Ninigret  in  Philip's  War — Con- 
t — His  death — Death  of  Pessacus — Some  of  the  charges 


against  the  former  considered — His  hostility  to  Uncas,  and  the  Long 
Islanders,  and  *  League  with  the  Dutch ' — Remarks  on  his  char- 
acter   246 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Pequot  tribe — Their  first  chief-sachem  known  to  the  English,  Peko- 
ath— Succeeded  by  S'assacus — An  embassy  sent  to  Boston  in  1631 — 
Residence  and  stronghold  of  Sassacus — His  earliest  intercourse  with 
the  English — Murder  of  Captain  Stone — Justification  of  it  by  Sassa- 
cus— He  proposes  a  treaty  of  peace  in  1634 — Sends  deputies  to  Boston 
twice — Treaty  concluded — Anecdotes — His  wars  with  the  Narraghan- 
setts — Fresh  controversy  with  the  English — They  send  an  armed  party 
to  demand  damages — Conduct  of  the  party,  and  consequences  of  it 
— War  with  the  Pequots  in  1636 — Political  movements  of  Sassacus — 
English  expedition  against  him  in  1637 — He  is  defeated — Driven  from 
his  country — Killed  by  the  Mohawks — The  English  policy  in  his 
case  briefly  considered 267 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Pequot  territory  claimed  by  Uncas — His  tribe,  family,  and  early  his- 
tory— Services  in  the  Pequot  expedition  rewarded  by  the  English — 
Effect  of  their  favor — His  contest  with  Miantonomo,  and  result — 


vi  CONTENTS 

Subsequent  wars  and  quarrels  with  various  tribes  and  chiefs — Assist- 
ance rendered  him  by  the  English — Complaints  brought  against  him 
to  them — His  Christianity  considered — His  morality — Evidence  of  his 
fraud,  falsehood,  violence,  tyranny,  ambition — His  services,  and  those 
of  his  tribe  to  the  English — Manner  in  which  he  met  the  accusations 
made  against  him — Cunning  and  servility — His  treatment  of  neigh- 
boring sachems — Various  negotiations  with  the  English — His  death 
— Fate  of  his  tribe 284 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Indians  who  submitted  to  Massachusetts — The  Gortonists — Pomham,  Sa- 
chem of  Shaomet,  and  Saconoco  complain  of  them — Submit  to  the 
Government — Their  examination  and  entertainment — Policy  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  case  of  Pomham-— He  and  Saconoco  much  harrassed 
by  their  neighbors — Subsequent  history — Pomham  takes  part  in  Philip's 
war,  and  is  killed — Canonchet,  son  of  Miantonomo — His  agreement  of 
October,  1675 — Weetamore,  Squaw-Sachem  of  Pocasset — Canonchet's 
career  during  Philip's  war — Particulars  of  his  surprisal  and  death — 
His  character — Anecdotes — His  reputation  with  the  English — Defence 
of  his  conduct 317 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Account  of  the  Pawtucket  confederacy  in  New  Hampshire — Passacona- 
way,  their  chief  Sachem — He  is  disarmed  by  order  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Government.  His  residence,  age  and  authority — He  maintains 
a  good  understanding  with  the  English — Visits  Boston — The  Apostle 
Elliot's  acquaintance  with,  and  notice  of  him — His  views  of  Chris- 
tianity— Festival,  and  Farewell  speech  to  his  tribe  in  1660 — Death  and 
character — His  son  and  successor,  Wonolanset — Anecdotes  of  the  fam- 
ily— Legend  of  Passaconaway's  feats  as  a  Powah 340 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Indian  Tribes  of  Virginia  at  the  date  of  the  Jamestown  settlement: 
their  names,  numbers  and  power. — The  Powhatan  confederacy. — The 
Indian  Village  of  that  name. — Powhatan. — The  circumstances  of  the 
first  interview  between  him  and  the  English. — Opechancanough,  his 
brother. — Opitchipan. — Reception  of  Captain  Smith  by  Powhatan. — 
Interposition  of  Pocahontas  in  his  favour. — Second  visit  of  the  colo- 
nists.— Third  visit,  and  coronation. — Entertainment  of  Smith  by  Po- 
cahontas.— Contest  of  ingenuity  between  Powhatan  and  Smith:  and 
between  the  latter  and  Opechancanough. — Smith  saved  again  by  Poca- 
hontas.— Political  manoeuvres  of  Powhatan  and  Opechancanough. — 
Smith's  return  to  Jamestown. 

AT  the  date  of  the  first  permanent  settlement  ef- 
fected within  the  limits  of  Virginia,  and  for  an 
unknown  period  previous  to  that  date,  the 
country  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  Alleghany,  and  from 
the  most  southern  waters  of  James  river  to  Patuxent 
river  (now  in  the  state  of  Maryland)  was  occupied  by 
three  principal  native  nations.  Each  of  these  nations 
was  a  confederacy  of  larger  or  smaller  tribes ;  and  each 
tribe  was  subdivided  into  towns,  families  or  clans,  who 
lived  together.  The  three  general  names  by  which 
these  communities  have  been  ordinarily  known,  are  the 
Mannahoacks,  the  Monacans  and  the  Powhatans. 

Of  these,  the  two  former  might  be  called  highland 
or  mountain  Indians.  They  all  lived  upon  the  banks  oi 
the  various  small  streams  which  water  the  hilly  coun- 

M,  ofH.— XXX— 1  1 


2  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

try  between  the  falls  of  the  Atlantic  rivers  and  the  Alle- 
ghany  ridge.  The  Mannahoacks  consisted  of  eight 
tribes,  five  of  which  were  located  between  the  Potomac 
and  Rappahannoc,  and  three  between  the  last  named 
river  and  the  York.  Of  the  five  tribes  of  the  Monacans, 
two  were  between  the  York  and  James,  and  three  ex- 
tended southward  from  the  James  to  the  boundaries 
of  Carolina.  The  most  powerful  respectively  of  the 
eight  and  of  the  five — the  Mannahoacks  and  the  Mona- 
cans, properly  so  called — seem  to  have  given  their  own 
names  to  the  entire  nation  or  confederacy  of  which 
they  were  members.  The  former  tribe  occupied  chiefly 
what  are  now  Stafford  and  Spotsylvania  counties.  The 
latter  resided  upon  James  river  above  the  falls. 

The  Powhatan  nation  inhabited  the  lowland  tract, 
extending  laterally  from  the  ocean  to  the  falls  of  the 
rivers,  and  from  Carolina  on  the  south  to  the  Patuxent 
on  the  north.  This  comprised  a  much  larger  number 
of  tribes  than  either  of  the  others.  As  many  as  ten  of 
them  (including  the  Tauxenents,  whose  chief  residence 
was  about  Mt.  Vernon)  were  settled  between  the  Poto- 
mac and  Rappahannoc.  Five  others  extended  between 
the  Rappahannoc  and  York ;  eight  between  the  York 
and  James  and  five  between  the  James  and  the  borders 
of  Carolina.  Beside  these,  the  Accohanocks  and  Ac- 
comacks,  on  what  is  called  the  Eastern  Shore  (of 
Chesapeake  Bay)  have  also  been  considered  a  part  of 
this  nation. 

The  territory  occupied  by  the  whole  of  this  great 
confederacy,  south  of  the  Potomac,  comprehended 
about  8,000  square  miles.  Smith  tells  us  in  his  history, 
that  within  sixty  miles  of  Jamestown  were  5,000  na- 
tives, of  whom  1,500  were  warriors.  Mr.  Jefferson  has 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  3 

computed  the  whole  number  of  Powhatan  warriors  at 
2,400,  which,  according  to  the  proportions  between 
Smith's  estimates  (being  three  to  ten)  would  give  an 
entire  population  of  8,000,  or  one  to  each  square  mile. 

This  calculation  is  probably  quite  moderate  enough. 
It  would  leave  an  average  of  less  than  one  hundred 
warriors  to  each  of  the  thirty  tribes.  But  we  find  it 
recorded  by  an  early  writer,  that  three  hundred  ap- 
peared under  an  Indian  chieftain  in  one  body  at  one 
time,  and  seven  hundred  at  another ;  all  of  whom  were 
apparently  of  his  own  tribe.  The  Chickahominies 
alone  had  between  three  hundred  and  four  hundred 
fighting  men.  The  Nansamonds  and  Chesapeakes 
showed  on  one  occasion  a  force  of  four  hundred.  And 
when  Smith  ascended  the  Potomac,  in  June  1608, 
though  he  saw  no  inhabitants  for  the  first  thirty  miles, 
he  had  scarcely  entered  "  a  little  bayed  creeke  towards 
Onawmanient  (now  Nominy)  when  he  found  all  the 
woods  roundabout  layd  with  ambuscadoes  to  the  num- 
ber of  three  or  four  thousand  Savages,  so  strangely 
paynted,  grimmed  and  disguised,  shouting,  yelling  and 
crying  as  so  many  spirits  from  hell  could  not  have 
shewed  more  terrible." 

It  is  well  known  that  the  valiant  Captain  was  wont 
to  express  his  opinions  in  strong  terms,  but  he  has 
rarely  been  detected  in  any  great  inaccuracy.  And 
the  circumstances  of  this  case  are  in  his  favor;  for  it 
has  been  truly  remarked,  that  the  Powhatan  confeder- 
acy inhabited  a  country  upon  which  nature  had  be- 
stowed singular  advantages.  Unlike  the  natives  of 
more  northern  regions,  they  suffered  little  from  cold, 
and  less  from  famine.  Their  settlements  were  mostly 
on  the  banks  of  James,  Elizabeth,  Nansamond,  York 


4  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  Chickahominy  rivers,  all  of  which  abounded  with 
the  most  delicious  fish  and  fowl.  In  this  Potomac  ex- 
pedition, Smith  met  with  "  that  aboundance  of  fish,  ly- 
ing so  thicke  with  their  heads  above  the  water,  as  for 
want  of  nets,  (our  barge  driving  amongst  them)  we 
attempted  to  catch  them  with  a  frying-pan."  And 
though  the  captain  naturally  enough  concluded,  after 
some  trials,  that  this  was  a  poor  instrument  for  his 
purpose,  he  persists  in  adding  that  "  neither  better  fish, 
more  plentie,  nor  more  varietie  for  small  fish,  had  any 
of  vs  euer  seene  in  any  place  so  swimming  in  the  water 
— but  they  are  not  to  be  caught  with  frying-pans."  He 
found  the  stingrays  in  such  abundance  among  the  reeds 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahannoc,  that  he  amused  him- 
self by  nailing  them  to  the  ground  with  his  sword: 
"  and  thus,"  he  observes,  "  we  tooke  more  in  owne 
houre  than  we  could  eate  in  a  day." 

Vast  quantities  of  corn,  too,  yearly  rewarded  even 
the  simple  agriculture  of  the  Indians,  bestowed  as  it 
was  upon  the  best  portions  of  a  generous  soil.  "  Great 
heapes  "  of  it  were  seen  at  Kekoughtan,  "  and  then 
they  brought  him  venison,  turkies,  wild  fowle,  bread 
and  what  else  they  had."  In  none  of  his  captivities  or 
his  visits  among  the  natives,  did  the  captain  ever  suffer 
from  want  of  food ;  and  he  often  brought  off  his  boat 
and  his  men  laden  with  plenty.  The  Nansamonds  gave 
him  400  baskets-full  at  one  time.  The  Chickahominies, 
though  they  complained  extremely  of  their  own  wants, 
yet  "  fraughted  "  him  with  a  hundred  bushels.  The 
woods  furnished  another  inexhaustible  supply  both  of 
fruits  and  game :  so  that,  on  the  whole,  it  is  very  easy 
to  believe,  that  a  considerably  greater  population  than 
Mr.  Jefferson's  estimate  supposes,  might  have  subsisted 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  B 

without  much  difficulty  on  the  soil  they  are  known  to 
have  occupied.  "  And  now  the  winter  [of  1607-8]  ap- 
proaching/7 we  are  informed  in  another  passage,  "  the 
rivers  became  so  covered  with  swans,  geese,  duckes 
and  cranes,  that  we  daily  feasted  with  good  bread,  Vir- 
ginia pease,  pumpions  and  putchamins,  fish,  fowle, 
and  diverse  sorts  of  wild  beasts,  so  fat  as  we  could 
eate  them ;  so  that  none  of  our  Tuftaflaty  humourists 
desired  to  go  for  England."  On  one  occasion,  when 
Smith  undertook  an  exploring  tour  into  the  interior, 
late  in  the  season,  a  violent  storm  obliged  him  and  his 
men  to  keep  Christmas  among  the  savages.  "  And  we 
were  never  more  merry,"  he  relates,  "  nor  fed  on  more 
plenty  of  good  oysters,  fish,  flesh,  wild  fowle  and  good 
bread,  nor  ever  had  better  fires  in  England."  In  a 
peaceful  interval  of  a  few  months,  which  occurred  dur- 
ing the  next  season,  the  Indians  are  said  to  have 
brought  into  Jamestown  more  than  a  hundred  deer 
and  other  beasts  daily  for  several  weeks. 

It  is  evident,  at  least,  that  the  Powhatan  confeder- 
acy must  have  been  among  the  most  numerous  on  the 
continent.  It  w^as  warlike  too ;  and  though  the  situa- 
tion of  the  Monacans  and  Mannahoacks  among  the 
hills  of  the  back  country  protected  them  in  some  meas- 
ure, yet  nothing  but  a  union  of  these  two  nations  could 
assure  them  of  security  against  their  more  powerful 
neighbors  on  the  coast. 

The  Powhatans  proper,  who  gave  their  own  appel- 
lation to  the  confederacy  of  which  they  were  leading 
members,  were  located  in  what  is  now  Henrico  county, 
on  the  banks  of  the  James  river,  and  at  the  distance  of 
about  two  days'  journey  from  the  English  settlement 
at  its  mouth.  The  principal  chief — or  emperor,  as  the 


6  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

old  historians  style  him — of  the  thirty  tribes  of  the  na- 
tion, was  found  by  the  first  colonists  residing  with 
these  Indians,  and  is  believed  to  have  been  one  of  their 
number  by  birth.  His  proper  name  was  Wahunsona- 
cook.  He  had  that  of  Powhatan,  by  which  he  has  been 
generally  designated,  from  the  tow^n  so  called,  which 
was  the  chief  seat  and  metropolis  of  his  hereditary  do- 
minions. This  town  is  described  as  pleasantly  situ- 
ated on  a  hill.  It  consist  *  of  twelve  houses,  in  front  of 
which  were  three  islets  in  the  river,  not  far  from  what 
in  modern  times  has  been  called  Mayo's  plantation,  and 
a  little  below  the  spot  where  Richmond  now  stands. 
It  was  considered  by  the  English  both  the  strongest 
and  pleasantest  place  in  the  whole  country;  and  was 
consequently  named  Nonsuch,  it  seems,  about  two 
years  after  the  settlement  of  Jamestown,  when  it  was 
purchased  of  the  emperor  by  Smith.  "  The  place  is 
very  pleasant,"  says  the  captain  in  his  history,  "  and 
strong  by  nature,  and  about  it  are  many  cornfields." 

The  occasion  of  the  first  acquaintance  which  the^ 
colonists  had  with  Powhatan  was  as  follows.  The 
adventurous  and  ambitious  spirit  of  Smith  had 
prompted  him  to  make  several  journeys  and  voyages 
along  the  Virginia  coast,  and  into  the  interior  of  the 
country.  Within  a  few  months  after  the  settlement  of 
Jamestown,  among  other  tribes  he  discovered  the 
Chickahominies,  and  procured  a  large  quantity  of  pro- 
vision from  them  at  a  time  when  the  colonists  were 
in  great  need  of  it. 

But  with  the  idle  and  unruly  in  the  colony,  this 
good  fortune  served  only  to  produce  murmuring. 
They  complained  of  his  having  done  so  little  instead 
of  applauding  him  for  having  done  so  much ;  and  some 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  7 

even  of  the  council  undertook  to  say,  that  he  ought 
to  have  followed  up  the  Chickahominy  river  to  its 
source. 

Smith  was  not  a  man  to  submit  tamely  to  reproach. 
He  set  off  again,  therefore,  in  the  winter  of  1607-8,  tak- 
ing with  him  a  crew  sufficient  to  manage  a  barge 
and  a  smaller  boat  proper  for  the  navigation  of  the 
upper  streams.  He  ascended  the  Chickahominy  with 
the  barge,  as  far  as  it  could  be  forced  up,  by  dint  of 
great  labor  in  cutting  away  trees  and  clearing  a  pas- 
sage. Then  leaving  it  in  a  broad  bay  or  cove,  out  of 
reach  of  savages  on  the  banks,  the  captain,  with  two 
other  whites,  and  two  friendly  Indians,  proceeded 
higher  up  in  the  smaller  boat.  Those  who  were  left 
meanwhile  in  possession  of  the  barge,  were  ordered  on 
no  account  to  go  on  shore  until  his  return.  The  order 
was  disobeyed;  for  he  was  scarcely  out  of  sight  and 
hearing,  when  the  whole  of  the  crew  went  ashore. 
They  were  very  near  forfeiting  their  lives  for  their 
rashness.  The  Indians,  to  the  number  of  two  or  three 
hundred,  lay  wait  for  them  among  the  woods  on  the 
bank  of  the  river,  under  the  direction  of  Opechancan- 
ough,  Sachem  of  the  Pamunkies  and  reputed  brother 
of  Powhatan.  One  George  Cassen  was  taken  prisoner; 
and  the  savages  soon  compelled  him  to  tell  them  which 
way  Smith  had  gone.  They  then  put  him  to  death  in 
a  cruel  manner,  and  continued  the  pursuit. 

The  captain,  meanwhile,  little  dreaming  of  any  ac- 
cident, had  gone  twenty  miles  up  the  river,  and  was 
now  among  the  marshes  at  its  source.  Here  his  pur- 
suers came  suddenly  upon  the  two  Englishmen,  who 
had  hauled  up  their  boat,  and  lain  down  to  sleep  by  a 
fire  on  the  dry  land,  (while  Smith  himself  went  out 


8  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

some  distance  to  kill  game  with  his  musket  for  a  sup- 
per.) The  unfortunate  wretches  were  shot  full  of  ar- 
rows and  despatched.  The  savages  then  pressed  on 
after  Smith,  and  at  last  overtook  him.  Finding  him- 
self beset  bv  the  multitude,  he  coolly  bound  to  his  arm, 
with  his  garters,  the  young  Indian  who  had  attended 
him  as  a  guide,  for  a  buckler — (what  had  become  of  the 
other,  does  not  appear) — and  received  the  enemy's  on- 
set so  briskly  with  his  fire-arms,  that  he  soon  laid  three 
of  them  dead  on  the  spot,  and  wounded  and  galled 
many  others  so  effectually  that  none  appeared  anxious 
to  approach  him.  He  was  himself  wounded  slightly  in 
the  thigh,  and  had  many  arrows  sticking  in  his  clothes  ; 
but  he  still  kept  the  enemy  at  bay.  His  next  move- 
ment was  to  endeavor  to  sheer  off  to  his  boat ;  but  tak- 
ing more  notice  of  his  foe  than  of  his  path,  as  he  went, 
he  suddenly  slipped  up  to  his  middle  in  an  oozy  creek. 
Hampered  as  he  was  in  this  awkward  position,  not  an 
Indian  dared  venture  near  him,  until,  finding  himself 
almost  dead  with  cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms  and 
surrendered.  Then  drawing  him  out,  they  carried  him 
to  the  fire  where  his  men  had  been  slain,  carefully 
chafed  his  benumbed  limbs,  and  finally  restored  him  to 
the  use  of  them. 

The  incidents  of  the  ensuing  scene  are  a  striking 
illustration  both  of  the  sagacity  of  the  prisoner  and  the 
simplicity  of  his  captors.  He  called  for  their  chief — 
through  the  intervention  of  his  Indian  guide,  we  sup- 
pose— and  Opechancanough  came  forward.  Smith  pre- 
sented him  with  a  round  ivory  double  compass-dial, 
which  he  had  carried  at  his  side.  The  savages  were 
confounded  by  the  playing  of  the  fly  and  needle,  espe- 
cially as  the  glass  prevented  them  from  touching  what 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  9 

they  could  see  so  plainly.  He  then  gave  them  a  sort 
of  astronomical  lecture,  demonstrating  "  by  that  Globe- 
like  lew-ell,"  as  he  calls  it,  the  roundness  of  the  earth, 
the  skies,  the  sphere  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars ;  "  and 
how  the  sunne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the 
world  continually ;  the  greatnesse  of  the  land  and  sea, 
the  diversitie  of  nations,  varietie  of  complexions,  and 
how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and  many  other  such 
like  matters,"  his  tawny  auditors  standing  all  the  while 
motionless  and  dumb  with  amazement. 

But  within  about  an  hour  they  returned  to  their 
original  purpose  of  killing  him,  as  they  had  killed  three 
of  his  comrades.  He  was  tied  to  a  tree,  and  the  sav- 
ages drew  up  in  a  circle  to  shoot  him.  The  arrow  was 
already  laid  upon  a  hundred  bows.  But  at  this  moment 
Opechancanough  held  up  the  compass.  This  was  a 
signal  of  delay,  if  not  of  mercy,  and  they  threw  by 
their  arms  at  once.  With  great  exultation  and  parade 
they  then  conducted  the  captive  to  Orapakes,  a  hunt- 
ing-residence of  Powhatan,  lying  on  the  north  side  of 
Chickahominy  swamp,  and  much  frequented  by  that 
Sachem  and  his  family,  on  account  of  the  abundance 
of  game  it  afforded.  The  order  of  procession  was 
a  proper  Indian  file.  Opechancanough,  marching  in  the 
centre,  had  the  English  swords  and  muskets  carried 
before  him  as  a  trophy.  Next  followed  Smith,  led  by 
three  stout  savages  who  held  him  fast  by  the  arm ; 
while  on  either  side  six  more  marched  in  file,  with  their 
arrows  notched,  as  flank-guards. 

On  arriving  at  Orapakes,  a  village  consisting  of 
some  thirty  to  forty  mat  houses,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren flocked  out  to  gaze  at  a  being  so  different  from 
any  they  had  ever  before  seen.  The  warriors,  on  the 


10  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

other  hand,  immediately  began  a  grand  war-dance,  the 
best  description  of  which  is  in  Smith's  own  language. 
"  A  good  time  they  continued  this  exercise,  and  then 
cast  themselues  in  a  ring  dauncing  in  such  severall  pos- 
tures, and  singing  and  yelling  out  such  hellish  notes 
and  screeches ;  being  strangely  paynted,  every  one  his 
quiver  of  arrowes,  and  at  his  backe  a  club ;  on  his  arme 
a  fox  or  an  otter's  skinne,  or  some  such  matter  for  a 
vambrace ;  their  heads  and  shoulders  paynted  red,  with 
oyle  and  pocones  mingled  together,  which  scarlet-like 
color  made  an  exceeding  handsome  shew ;  his  bow  in 
his  hand,  and  the  skinne  of  a  bird  with  her  wings 
abroad  dryed,  tyed  on  his  head;  a  peece  of  copper,  a 
white  shell,  a  long  feather,  with  a  small  rattle  growing 
at  the  tayls  of  their  snaks  tyed,  or  some  such  like  toy." 
Thrice  the  performers  stopped  to  take  breath,  and 
thrice  they  renewed  the  dance — Smith  and  the  Sachem 
meanwhile  standing  in  the  centre.  The  company  then 
broke  up ;  and  the  prisoner  was  conducted  to  a  long 
matted  wigwam,  where  thirty  or  forty  tall  stout  sav- 
ages remained  about  him  as  a  guard.  Ere  long,  more 
bread  and  venison  was  brought  him  than  would  have 
served  twenty  men.  "  I  thinke,"  says  the  captain  him- 
self, "  his  stomacke  at  that  time  was  not  very  good." 
He  ate  something,  however,  and  the  remainder  was 
put  into  baskets,  and  swung  from  the  roof  of  the  wig- 
wam over  his  head. 

About  midnight  these  liberal  provisioners  set  their 
fare  before  him  again,  never  tasting  a  morsel  them- 
selves all  the  while.  But,  in  the  morning,  when  they 
brought  in  a  fresh  reinforcement,  they  ate  the  frag- 
ments of  former  meals,  and  swung  up  the  residue 
of  the  last  one  as  before.  So  little  reason  had  the  cap- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  11 

tain  to  complain  of  famine,  that  he  began  seriously  to 
believe  they  were  fatting  him  for  the  slaughter.  He 
suffered  occasionally  from  the  cold,  and  would  have 
suffered  more  but  for  an  unexpected  relief.  An  Indian, 
named  Mocasseter,  brought  him  his  goune,  as  Smith 
calls  it — perhaps  a  fur  mantle,  or  a  blanket — and  gave 
it  to  him,  professedly  in  requital  of  certain  beads  and 
toys  which  Smith  had  given  him  at  Jamestown,  imme- 
diately after  his  arrival  in  Virginia. 

Two  days  afterwards,  he  was  violently  assaulted, 
and  but  for  his  guard  would  have  been  killed,  by  an 
old  Indian  whose  son  had  been  wounded  in  the  skir- 
mish which  took  place  at  his  capture.  They  conducted 
him  to  the  death-bed  of  the  poor  wretch,  where  he  was 
found  breathing  his  last.  Smith  told  them  he  had  a 
kind  of  water  at  Jamestown  which  might  effect  a  cure, 
but  they  would  not  permit  him  to  go  for  it,  and  the 
subject  was  soon  forgotten.  Within  a  few  days,  they 
began  to  make  great  preparations  for  assaulting  the 
English  Colony  by  surprise.  They  craved  Smith's  ad- 
vice and  assistance  in  that  proceeding,  offering  him 
not  only  life  and  liberty  for  his  services,  but  as  much 
land  for  a  settlement  and  as  many  women  for  wives  as 
he  wanted — such  an  opinion  had  they  formed  of  his 
knowledge  and  prowess.  He  did  everything  in  his 
power  to  discourage  their  design,  by  telling  them  of 
the  mines,  the  cannon,  and  various  other  strategems 
and  engines  of  war,  used  by  the  English.  He  could 
only  succeed  in  prevailing  upon  several  of  them  to 
carry  a  note  for  him  to  Jamestown,  (under  pretence  of 
getting  some  toys,)  in  which  he  informed  his  country- 
men of  his  own  situation  and  the  intention  of  the  sav- 
ages, and  requested  them  to  send  him  without  fail  by 


12  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  bearers  certain  articles  which  he  named.  These 
were  to  be  deposited  at  a  particular  spot  in  the  woods 
near  Jamestown.  The  messengers  started  off,  we  are 
told,  in  as  severe  weather  as  could  be  of  frost  and  snow, 
and  arrived  at  Jamestown.  There,  seeing  men  sally  out 
from  the  town  to  meet  them,  as  Smith  had  told  them 
would  be  the  case,  they  were  frightened  and  ran  off. 
But  the  note  was  left  behind;  and  so  coming  again  in 
the  evening,  they  found  the  articles  at  the  appointed 
place,  and  then  returned  homeward  in  such  haste  as 
to  reach  Orapakes  in  three  days  after  they  had  left  it. 

All  thoughts  of  an  attack  upon  the  colony  being 
now  extinguished  in  the  astonishment  and  terror  ex- 
cited by  the  feats  of  Smith,  they  proceeded  to  lead  him 
about  the  country  in  show  and  triumph.  First  they 
carried  him  to  the  tribe  living  on  the  Youghtanund, 
since  called  the  Pamunkey  river ;  then  to  the  Matta- 
ponies,  the  Piankatunks,  the  Nantaughtacunds  on  the 
Rappahannoc,  and  the  Nominies  on  Potomac  river. 
Having  completed  this  route,  they  conducted  him, 
through  several  other  nations,  to  Opechacanough's 
own  habitation  at  Pamunkey;  where,  with  frightful 
howlings  and  many  strange  ceremonies,  they  '  con- 
jured '  him  three  days  in  order  to  ascertain,  as  they 
told  him,  whether  he  intended  them  well  or  ill.  An  idea 
may  be  formed  of  these  proceedings,  which  took  place 
under  Opechacanough's  inspection,  from  the  exercises 
for  one  day  as  described  by  the  captive  himself. 

Early  in  the  morning,  a  great  fire  was  made  in  a  log 
house,  and  mats  spread  upon  each  side  of  it,  on  one 
of  which  the  prisoner  was  seated.  His  body-guard 
then  left  the  house,  "  and  presently  came  skipping  in 
a  great  grim  fellow,  all  paynted  over  with  coale,  min- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  13 

gled  with  oyle;  and  many  snakes  and  wesels  skinnes 
stuffed  with  mosse,  and  all  their  tayles  tyed  together, 
so  as  they  met  on  the  croune  of  his  head  in  a  tassell ; 
and  round  about  the  tassell  was  a  coronet  of  feathers, 
the  skinnes  hanging  round  about  his  head,  backe  and 
shoulders,  and  in  a  manner  covered  his  face;  with  a 
hellish  voyce  and  a  rattle  in  his  hand.'7  This  personage 
commenced  his  invocation  with  a  great  variety  of  ges- 
tures, postures,  grimaces  and  exclamations ;  and  con- 
cluded with  drawing  a  circle  of  meal  round  the  fire. 
Then  rushed  in  three  more  performers  of  the  same  de- 
scription, their  bodies  painted  half  red  and  half  black, 
their  eyes  white  and  their  faces  streaked  with  red 
patches,  apparently  in  imitation  of  English  whiskers. 
These  three  having  danced  about  for  a  considerable 
time,  made  way  for  three  more,  with  red  eyes,  and 
white  streaks  upon  black  faces.  At  length  all  seated 
themselves  opposite  to  the  prisoner,  three  on  the  right 
hand  of  the  first  named  functionary  (who  appeared  to 
be  the  chief  priest,  and  ringleader)  and  three  on  the 
left.  Then  a  song  was  commenced,  accompanied  with 
a  violent  use  of  the  rattles ;  upon  which  the  chief  priest 
laid  down  five  wheat-corns,  and  began  an  oration,  strain- 
ing his  arms  and  hands  so  that  he  perspired  freely,  and 
his  veins  swelled.  At  the  conclusion,  all  gave  a  groan 
of  assent,  laid  down  three  grains  more,  and  rene\ved 
the  song.  This  went  on  until  the  fire  was  twice  encir- 
cled. Other  ceremonies  of  the  same  character  ensued, 
and  last  of  all  was  brought  on,  towards  evening,  a 
plentiful  feast  of  the  best  provisions  they  could  furnish. 
The  circle  of  meal  was  said  to  signify  their  country, 
the  circles  of  corn  the  bounds  of  the  sea,  and  so  on. 
The  world,  according  to  their  theory,  was  round  and 


14  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

flat,  like  a  trencher,  and  themselves  located  precisely 
in  the  midst. 

After  this,  they  showed  Smith  a  bag  of  gun-powder 
which  had  probably  been  taken  from  the  boat,  and 
which  they  were  carefully  preserving  till  next  spring, 
to  plant  with  their  corn — "  because  they  would  be  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  of  that  seede."  Opitchipan, 
another  brother  of  Powhatan — of  whom  we  have  here 
the  first  mention — invited  him  to  his  house,  and  treated 
him  sumptuously;  but  no  Indian,  on  this  or  any  other 
occasion,  would  eat  with  him.  The  fragments  were 
put  up  in  baskets ;  and  upon  his  return  to  Opechanca- 
nough's  wigwam,  the  Sachem's  wives  and  their  chil- 
dren flocked  about  him  for  their  portions,  "  as  a  due  by 
custom,  to  be  merry  with  such  fragments." 

At  last  they  carried  him  to  Werowocomoco,  where 
was  Powhatan  himself.  This  residence  of  his,  lay  on 
the  north  side  of  York  river,  in  Gloster  county,  nearly 
opposite  the  mouth  of  Green's  creek  and  about  twenty- 
five  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It  was  at  this 
time  his  favorite  village,  though  afterwards,  not  covet- 
ing the  near  neighborhood  of  the  English,  he  retired 
to  Orapakes.  Powhatan,  which  gave  him  his  name, 
was  sold  to  the  English  in  1609. 

On  his  arrival  in  the  village,  Smith  was  detained 
until  the  emperor  (as  we  shall  call  him,  for  conven- 
ience,) and  his  train  could  prepare  themselves  to  re- 
ceive their  illustrious  captive  in  proper  state:  and 
meanwhile  more  than  two  hundred  of  these  grim  cour- 
tiers gathered  about  him  to  satisfy  their  curiosity  with 
gazing.  He  was  then  introduced  to  the  royal  presence, 
the  multitude  hailing  him  with  a  tremendous  shout, 
as  he  walked  in.  Powhatan — a  majestic  and  finely 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  15 

formed  savage,  with  a  marked  countenance,  and  an  air 
of  haughtiness  sobered  down  into  gravity  by  a  life  of 
sixty  years — was  seated  before  a  fire  upon  a  seat 
something  like  a  bedstead,  and  clothed  in  an  ample  robe 
of  Rarowcun  skins,  with  all  the  tails  hanging  over  him. 
On  each  side  sat  a  young  wench  of  sixteen  or  eighteen 
years  old ;  and  along  each  wall  of  the  house,  two  rows 
of  women  in  the  rear  and  two  rows  of  men  in  front. 
All  had  their  heads  and  shoulders  painted  red.  Many 
had  their  hair  decked  with  the  white  down  of  birds. 
Some  wore  a  great  chain  of  white  beads  about  their 
necks.  But  no  one  was  without  ornament  of  some 
kind. 

Soon  after  Smith's  entrance,  a  female  of  rank,  said 
to  be  the  queen  of  Appamattuck,  was  directed  to  bring 
him  water  to  wash  his  hands;  and  another  brought  a 
bunch  of  feathers,  to  answer  the  purpose  of  a  towel. 
Having  then  feasted  him  (as  he  acknowledges)  in  the 
best  barbarous  manner  they  could,  a  long  and  solemn 
consultation  was  held  to  determine  his  fate.  The  deci- 
sion was  against  him.  The  conclave  resumed  their  si- 
lent gravity ;  two  great  stones  were  brought  in  before 
Powhatan ;  and  Smith  was  dragged  before  them,  and 
his  head  laid  upon  them,  as  a  preparation  for  beating 
out  his  brains  with  clubs.  The  fatal  weapons  were 
already  raised,  and  the  savage  multitude  stood  silently 
awaiting  the  prisoner's  last  moment.  But  Smith  was 
not  destined  thus  to  perish.  Pocahontas,  the  beloved 
daughter  of  Powhatan,  rushed  forward,  and  earnestly 
entreated  with  tears  that  the  victim  might  yet  be 
spared.  The  royal  savage  rejected  her  request,  and  the 
executioners  stood  ready  for  the  signal  of  death.  She 
knelt  down,  put  her  arms  about  Smith,  and  laid  her 


16  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

head  over  his,  declaring  she  would  perish  with  him  or 
save  him.  The  heart  of  the  stern  Sachem  was  at  length 
melted.  The  decree  was  reversed;  and  the  prisoner 
was  spared  for  the  purpose — as  the  emperor  explained 
it — of  making  hatchets  for  himself,  and  bells  and  beads 
for  his  daughter. 

This  was  apparently  a  mere  pretext  for  concealing 
the  emotions  which  he  thought  unworthy  of  his  name 
as  a  warrior,  and  for  preventing  any  jealousy  on  the 
part  of  his  counsellors.  And  subsequent  events  would 
lead  to  the  same  conclusion.  He  detained  his  prisoner 
but  two  days.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  he  caused  him 
to  be  conducted  to  a  large  house  in  the  woods,  and 
there  left  alone  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire.  In  a  short  time, 
a  horrible  noise  was  heard  from  behind  a  wide  mat 
which  divided  the  house :  and  then  Powhatan,  dressed 
in  the  most  fantastic  manner,  with  some  two  hundred 
followers  as  much  begrimed  and  disguised  as  himself, 
came  in  and  told  Smith  that  now  they  were  friends; 
'  and  presently  he  should  go  to  Jamestown  to  send  him 
two  great  guns  and  a  grindstone,  for  which  he  would 
give  him  the  country  of  Capahowsick,  and  forever  es- 
teem him  as  his  own  son.'  He  was  accordingly  sent 
off,  with  twelve  guides,  to  Jamestown.  The  party 
quartered  in  the  woods  one  night,  and  reached  the  fort 
the  next  morning  betimes.  The  savages  were  hand- 
somely entertained  while  they  staid.  Two  demi-cul- 
verins  and  mill-stone  were  shown  them,  with  other 
curiosities.  They  proposed  to  carry  the  former  to  Pow- 
hatan ;  but  finding  them  somewhat  too  heavy,  con- 
tented themselves  with  a  variety  of  lighter  presents. 
They  were  excessively  frightened  by  a  discharge  of 
the  culverins. — Smith,  who  had  political  as  well  as 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  17 

personal  motives  in  view,  had  loaded  them  with  stones, 
and  these  he  fired  among  the  boughs  of  a  tree  covered 
with  huge  icicles.  The  effect  may  easily  be  imagined. 
During  the  same  winter,  Smith  visited  Powhatan, 
in  company  with  Captain  Newport,  a  gentleman  newly 
arrived  from  England,  who  had  already  sent  many 
presents  to  the  emperor.  Attended  by  a  guard  of  thirty 
or  forty  men,  they  sailed  as  far  as  Werowocomoco  the 
first  day.  Here  Newport's  courage  failed  him.  He  was 
especially  alarmed  by  the  appearance  of  various  bridges 
they  were  obliged  to  pass  over  in  crossing  the  streams ; 
for  these  were  so  loosely  made  of  poles  and  bark,  that 
he  took  them  for  traps  set  by  the  savages.  But  Smith, 
with  twenty  men,  leaving  the  boat,  undertook  to  go 
forward  and  accomplish  the  journey.  He  accordingly 
went  on,  and  was  soon  met  by  two  or  three  hundred 
Indians  who  conducted  them  into  the  town.  There 
Powhatan  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  give  him 
a  royal  entertainment.  The  people  shouted  for  joy  to 
see  Smith ;  orations  were  addressed  to  him ;  and  a  plen- 
tiful feast  provided  to  refresh  him  after  the  weariness 
of  his  voyage.  The  emperor  received  him,  reclining 
upon  his  bed  of  mats,  his  pillow  of  dressed  skin  lying 
beside  him  with  its  brilliant  embroidery  of  shells  and 
beads,  and  his  dress  consisting  chiefly  of  a  handsome 
fur  robe  "as  large  as  an  Irish  mantell."  At  his  head 
and  feet  were  two  comely  young  women  as  before ; 
and  along  the  sides  of  the  house  sat  twenty  other  fe- 
males, each  with  her  head  and  shoulders  painted  red 
and  a  great  chain  of  white  beads  about  her  neck. 
"  Before  these  sat  his  chiefest  men  in  like  order  in  his 
arbor-like  house,  and  more  than  fortie  platters  of  fine 
bread  stood  as  a  guard  in  two  pyles  on  each  side  the 

M.  ot  H.— XXX— 2 


18  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

door.  Foure  or  fiue  hundred  people  made  a  guard  be- 
hinde  them  for  our  passage ;  and  Proclamation  was 
made,  none  vpon  paine  of  death  to  presume  to  doe  vs 
any  wrong  or  discourtesie.  With  many  pretty  dis- 
courses to  renew  their  old  acquaintance,  this  great 
King  and  oure  captaine  spent  the  time,  till  the  ebbe 
left  our  barge  aground.  Then  renewing  their  feest 
with  feates,  dauncing  and  singing,  and  such  like  mirth, 
we  quartered  that  night  with  Powhatan." 

The  next  day,  Newport,  who  had  thought  better  of 
his  fears,  came  ashore,  and  was  welcomed  in  the  same 
hospitable  style.  An  English  boy,  named  Savage,  was 
given  to  Powhatan  at  his  request ;  and  he  returned  the 
favor  by  presenting  Newport  with  an  Indian  named 
Nomontack,  a  trusty  and  shrewd  servant  of  his  own. 
One  motive  for  this  arrangement  was  probably  the  de- 
sire of  gaining  information  respecting  the  English  col- 
ony. During  the  three  or  four  days  more  which  were 
passed  in  feasting,  dancing  and  trading,  the  old  Sachem 
manifested  so  much  dignity  and  so  much  discretion,  as 
to  create  a  high  admiration  of  his  talents  in  the  minds 
of  his  guests.  In  one  instance,  he  came  near  offending 
them  by  the  exercise  of  his  shrewdness,  although  that 
may  be  fairly  considered  their  fault  rather  than  his. 

Newport,  it  seems,  had  brought  with  him  a  variety 
of  articles  for  a  barter  commerce — such  as  he  supposed 
would  command  a  high  price  in  corn.  And  accordingly 
the  Powhatans,  generally  of  the  lower  class,  traded 
eagerly  with  him  and  his  men.  These,  however,  were 
not  profitable  customers;  they  dealt  upon  a  small 
scale ;  they  had  not  much  corn  to  spare.  It  was  an 
object  therefore  to  drive  a  trade  with  the  emperor  him- 
self. P>ut  this  he  affected  to  decline  and  despise. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  19 

"  Captain  Newport,"  said  he,  "  it  is  not  agreeable  to 
my  greatness  to  truck  in  this  peddling  manner  for  tri- 
fles. I  am  a  great  Werowance,  and  I  esteem  you  the 
same.  Therefore  lay  me  down  all  your  commodities 
together;  what  I  like  I  will  take,  and  in  return  you 
shall  have  what  I  conceive  to  be  a  fair  value."  This 
proposal  was  interpreted  to  Newport  by  Smith,  who 
informed  him  at  the  same  time  of  the  hazard  he  was 
incurring  in  accepting  it.  But  Newport  was  a  vain 
man,  and  confidently  expected  either  to  dazzle  the 
emperor  with  his  ostentation,  or  overcome  him  with  his 
bounty,  so  as  to  gain  any  request  he  might  make. 
The  event  unluckily  proved  otherwise.  Powhatan, 
after  coolly  selecting  such  of  Newport's  goods  as  he 
liked  best,  valued  his  own  corn  at  such  a  rate,  that 
Smith  says  might  as  well  have  been  purchased  in 
old  Spain;  they  received  scarcely  four  bushels  where 
they  had  counted  upon  twelve  hogsheads. 

It  was  now  Smith's  turn  to  try  his  skill;  and  he 
made  his  experiment,  more  wisely  than  his  comrade, 
not  upon  the  sagacity  of  the  emperor  but  upon  his 
simplicity.  He  took  out  various  toys  and  gewgaws, 
as  it  were  accidently,  and  contrived,  by  glancing  them 
dexterously  in  the  light,  to  show  them  to  great  ad- 
vantage. It  was  not  long  before  Powhatan  fixed  his 
observing  eye  upon  a  string  of  brilliant  blue  beads. 
Presently  he  became  importunate  to  obtain  them.  But 
Smith  was  very  unwilling  to  part  with  these  pre- 
cious gems;  they  being,  as  he  observed,  composed  of 
a  most  rare  substance,  of  the  color  of  the  skies,  and 
fit  to  be  worn  only  by  the  greatest  kings  in  the  world. 
The  savage  grew  more  and  more  eager  to  own  such 
jewels,  so  that  finally  a  bargain  was  struck,  to  the 


20  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

perfect  satisfaction  of  all  parties,  whereby  Smith  ob- 
tained between  two  and  three  hundred  bushels  of  corn 
for  a  pound  or  two  of  blue  beads.  A  similar  negotia- 
tion was  immediately  after  affected  with  Opechan- 
canough  at  Pamunkey.  He  was  furnished  with  a 
quantity  of  this  'invaluable  jewelry  at  very  nearly  the 
same  price;  and  thus  the  beads  grew  into  such  esti- 
mation among  the  Indians  far  and  near,  that  none 
but  the  great  Werowances,  and  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren dared  to  be  seen  wearing  them.  They  were  im- 
perial symbols  of  enormous  value. 

But  it  was  not  upon  beads  only  that  Powhatan 
set  a  high  estimate.  He  perceived  the  vast  advantage 
which  the  English  possessed  over  his  own  men  in 
their  weapons ;  and  he  became  exceedingly  anxious 
to  place  himself  upon  equal  terms  on  one  side  with 
the  colonists,  while  he  should  domineer  over  the  less 
fortunate  foreign  Indian  tribes,  as  he  liked,  on  the 
other.  When  Newport  left  the  country  for  England, 
he  sent  him  twenty  fine  turkeys,  and  requested  in  re- 
turn the  favor  of  as  many  swords,  which  that  gentle- 
man was  inconsiderate  enough  to  furnish  him.  He 
subsequently  passed  the  same  compliment  to  Smith; 
and  when  the  latter  gave  him  no  swords  in  payment, 
he  was  highly  offended,  and  is  said  to  have  ordered 
his  people  to  take  them  wherever  they  could  get  them, 
by  stratagem  or  by  force.  But  Smith  soon  checked 
this  project  in  his  usual  summary  manner;  and  Pow- 
hatan, finding  that  game  a  desperate  one,  sent  in 
Pocahontas  with  presents,  to  excuse  himself  for  the 
injury  done  "  by  some  of  his  disorderly  warriors," 
and  to  desire  that  those  who  were  captive  might  be 
liberated  for  this  time  on  their  good  behavior.  Smith 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  21 

punished  them  sufficiently,  and  granted  the  request 
of  the  emperor  '  for  the  sake  of  Pocahontas.'  The 
council  were  offended  at  what  they  considered  his 
cruelty ;  but  Powhatan  affected  at  least  to  be  satisfied. 
We  hear  of  the  emperor  again  in  September,  (1608,) 
when  Captain  Newport  arrived  with  a  second  supply 
for  the  colony,  and  a  new  commission  for  himself.  By 
this  he  was  authorized  to  make  an  exploring  expedi- 
tion, for  gold,  among  the  Monacans  of  the  mountain 
country;  and  a  barge  was  brought  out  from  England 
in  five  pieces,  to  be  carried  over  the  falls,  and  thence 
convey  the  company  to  the  South  Sea.  Smith  opposed 
this  sage  proposal  on  the  ground  of  the  necessities  of 
the  colony;  they  were  especially  in  want  of  provision 
to  be  laid  in  for  the  coming  winter.  But  a  large  major- 
ity were  against  him.  He  was  even  accused  of  jeal- 
ousy towards  Newport;  and  the  latter  defeated  all 
his  opposition,  as  he  thought,  by  undertaking  to  pro- 
cure a  bark-load  of  corn  from  Powhatan,  on  his  pro- 
posed route  to  the  South  Sea,  at  Werowocomoco.  He 
required,  however,  that  one  hundred  and  twenty  men 
should  go  with  him ;  he  put  no  confidence  in  the  friend- 
ship of  the  emperor  or  his  subjects. 

Smith  now  came  forward,  and  volunteered  to  carry 
the  necessary  messages  to  Powhatan  himself,  and  to 
invite  him  to  visit  Jamestown,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
ceiving the  presents  brought  over  for  him  by  Newport 
Among  these,  it  appears,  were  a  splendid  basin  and 
ewer,  a  bed,  bedstead,  clothes,  and  various  other  costly 
novelties ;  the  only  effect  of  which  would  be,  as  Smith 
alleged,  to  cause  the  emperor  to  overrate  the  impor- 
tance of  his  own  favor,  and  to  sell  for  gold  and  silver 
alone  what  he  had  heretofore  sold  readily  for  copper 


22  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  blue  beads.  Another  of  the  presents  was  a  royal 
crown,  sent  out  by  his  Britannic  Majesty  King  James  I. 
probably  under  the  expectation  of  wheedling  Powhatan 
into  submission  to  his  own  authority,  and  at  all  events 
with  orders  to  consecrate  the  "  divine  right "  of  his 
royal  ally  in  Virginia  by  the  ceremonies  of  a  solemn 
coronation. 

Smith  took  with  him  four  companions  only,  and 
went  across  the  woods,  by  land,  about  twelve  miles, 
to  Werowocomoco.  Powhatan  was  then  absent,  at 
the  distance  of  twenty  or  thirty  miles.  Pocahontas 
immediately  sent  for  him,  and  meanwhile  she  and  her 
women  entertained  their  visiter  in  a  style  too  remark- 
able to  be  passed  by  without  notice.  A  fire  was  made 
in  a  plain  open  field,  and  Smith  was  seated  before  it  on 
a  mat,  with  his  men  about  him.  Suddenly  such  a  hid- 
eous noise  was  heard  in  the  woods  near  by,  that  the 
strangers  betook  themselves  hastily  to  their  arms,  and 
even  seized  upon  two  or  three  old  Indians  who  were 
standing  near,  under  the  apprehension  that  Powhatan 
with  all  his  forces  was  come  upon  them  by  surprise. 
But  Pocahontas  soon  made  her  appearance ;  and  a 
little  explanation  convinced  the  captain  that,  however 
she  might  succeed  or  fail,  her  only  intention  was  to 
gratify  and  honor  him.  He  mingled  fearlessly  there- 
fore with  the  Indian  men,  women  and  children,  already 
assembled  as  spectators,  and  the  ceremonies  went  on. 

"  Then  presently  they  were  presented  with  this 
anticke.  Thirtie  young  women  came  naked  out  of 
the  woods,  only  couered  behind  and  before  with  a 
few  greene  leaves ;  their  bodies  all  paynted,  some  of 
one  colour,  and  some  of  another  but  all  differing. 
Their  leader  had  a  fayre  payre  of  Buck's  homes  on 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  23 

her  head,  and  an  Otter's  skinne  at  her  girdle,  another 
at  her  arme,  a  quiuer  of  arrowes  at  her  backe,  a  bow 
and  arrowes  in  her  hand.  The  next  had  in  her  hand 
a  sword,  another  a  club,  another  a  pot-sticke,  all  horned 
alike ;  the  rest  euery  one  with  their  severall  devises. 
These  fiends,  with  most  hellish  shouts  and  cryes,  rush- 
ing from  among  the  trees,  caste  themselves  in  a  ring 
about  the  fire,  singing  and  dauncing  with  the  most 
excellent  ill  varietie,  oft  falling  into  their  infernall 
passions,  and  solemnly  again  to  sing  and  daunce. 
Having  spent  neer  an  hour  in  this  mascarado,  as  they 
entred,  in  a  like  manner  they  departed." 

"  Having  reaccommodated  themselves,  they  solemnly 
invited  him  to  their  lodgings,  where  he  was  no  sooner 
within  the  house  but  all  these  nymphs  more  tormented 
him  than  euer,  with  crowding,  pressing  and  hang- 
ing about  him,  most  tediously  crying,  Loue  you  not 
me?  Loue  you  not  me?  This  salutation  ended,  the 
feast  was  set,  consisting  of  all  the  salvage  dainties 
they  could  deuise ;  some  attending,  others  singing  and 
dauncing  about  them.  This  mirth  being  ended,  with 
fire-brands  instead  of  torches  they  conducted  him  to 
his  lodging. 

Thus  did  they  show  their  feates  of  armes,  and  others  art  in 

dauncing ; 
Some  others  vs'd  there  oaten  pipe,  and  others'  voyces  chaunting." 

Powhatan  arrived  on  the  following  day,  and  Smith 
delivered  his  message,  desiring  him  to  visit  "  his 
father "  Newport,  at  Jamestown,  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  the  newly  arrived  presents,  and  also  con- 
certing a  campaign  in  common  against  the  Monacans. 
The  subtle  savage  replied  to  this  artful  proposal  with 
his  accustomed  intelligence  and  independence.  "If 


24  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

your  king  has  sent  me  presents,"  said  he  with  great 
composure,  "  I  also  am  a  king,  and  this  is  my  land  — 
Here  I  will  stay  eight  days  to  receive  them.  Your 
Father  is  to  come  to  me,  not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to 
your  fort.  I  will  not  bite  at  such  a  bait.  As  for  the 
Monacans,  I  can  avenge  my  own  injuries.  As  for 
Atquanachuck,  where  you  say  your  brother  was  slain, 
it  is  a  contrary  way  from  those  parts  you  suppose 
it.  And  as  for  any  salt  water  beyond  the  mountains, 
the  relations  you  have  had  from  my  people  are  false." 
Upon  this  he  began  to  delineate  the  geography  of 
these  various  regions  with  a  stick  upon  the  ground. 
After  some  farther  discourse  upon  general  and  com- 
plimentary subjects,  Smith  returned  with  his  answer. 
His  servant,  Namontack,  who  had  been  to  England 
with  Newport,  was  given  back  to  him  upon  this 
occasion. 

The  presents  were  sent  round  to  Werowocomoco, 
by  water;  and  the  two  captains  went  by  land,  with 
a  guard  of  fifty  men.  The  parties  here  agreed  upon 
the  next  day  for  the  coronation ;  and  at  that  time  the 
presents  were  brought  in,  the  bed  and  furniture  set 
up,  and  the  scarlet  cloak  and  other  apparel  put  on 
the  emperor,  though  with  much  ado,  and  only  in 
consequence  of  Nomantack's  earnest  assurance  that 
they  would  not  injure  him.  As  for  kneeling  to  re- 
ceive the  crown,  which  was  requested  of  him,  he  en- 
tirely exhausted  the  patience  of  his  visiters  by  his 
resistance.  They  gained  their  point  in  the  end  by 
stratagem.  One  leaned  hard  upon  his  shoulders,  so 
as  to  cause  him  to  stoop  a  little,  and  three  more  stood 
ready  to  fix  the  royal  gewgaw  on  his  head ;  where- 
upon, at  the  discharge  of  a  pistol,  the  guard  were 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  25 

prepared  with  such  a  volley  of  musketry  as  a  salute, 
that  the  emperor  (now  a  crowned-head  at  least)  started 
up,  as  Smith  says,  in  a  horrible  fear  till  he  saw  all 
was  well.  Soon  recovering  his  composure,  he  gen- 
erously gave  his  old  shoes  and  mantle  to  Newport  in 
acknowledgment  of  his  courtesy.  But  perceiving 
that  the  main  object  of  that  gentleman  was  to  discover 
the  Monacans,  he  labored  to  divert  his  resolution, 
and  absolutely  refused  to  lend  any  of  his  own  men 
excepting  Namontack.  Every  thing  was  said  and 
done  civilly,  however;  and,  before  leaving,  Newport 
was  presented  with  a  heap  of  corn  ears  to  the  amount 
of  seven  or  eight  bushels,  in  farther  return  for  his 
politeness  and  his  presents. 

For  some  time  after  this,  little  was  heard  of  Pow- 
hatan  except  occasionally  through  the  medium  of 
some  of  his  tribes,  who  are  said  to  have  refused  trad- 
ing with  the  English  in  consequence  of  his  orders  to 
that  effect.  He  had  become  jealous  of  them,  it  would 
seem ;  and  Smith,  on  the  other  hand,  reciprocated 
so  much  of  his  ill  humor,  that  he  at  one  time  thought 
of  falling  upon  him  by  surprise,  and  taking  away  all 
his  stores.  But  appearances  were  still  kept  up  on 
both  sides;  and  in  December,  (1608)  the  emperor  in- 
vited the  captain  to  visit  him  —  he  wanted  his  assist- 
ance in  building  a  house,  and  if  he  would  bring  with 
him  a  grindstone,  fifty  swords,  a  few  muskets,  a 
cock  and  a  hen,  with  a  quantity  of  beads  and  copper, 
he  might  depend  upon  getting  a  ship-load  of  corn. 
Smith,  always  ready  for  an  adventure,  accepted  the 
invitation,  and  set  off  with  a  pinnace  and  two  barges, 
manned  by  forty-six  volunteers.  The  expedition  was 
considered  so  hazardous  that  many  excused  them- 


26  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

selves  from  going,  after  having  engaged  to  do  so; 
though  all  knew  that  if  any  thing  was  to  be  had, 
Smith  was  not  the  man  to  return  disappointed. 

Commencing  his  voyage  on  the  29th  of  the  month, 
with  victualling  for  three  or  four  days,  he  lodged  the 
first  night  at  Warrasqueake.  The  chief  Sachem  at 
this  place,  being  friendly,  did  all  in  his  power  to  dis- 
suade the  captain  from  pursuing  his  journey.  "  Pow- 
hatan  will  use  you  kindly/'  said  he,  "  but  he  has  sent 
for  you  only  to  cut  your  throat.  Trust  him  not,  and 
give  him  no  opportunity  to  seize  upon  your  arms." 
The  next  night  and  several  more  were  passed  at 
Kekoughtan,  where  the  English  were  detained  by  a 
severe  storm,  but  found  merry  cheer,  and  good  fires. 
The  colonists  who  were  in  the  habit  of  travelling 
with  Smith  had  learned  hardihood.  "  They  were  not 
curious  in  any  weather,  (he  informs  us,)  to  lye  three 
or  foure  nights  together  vnder  the  trees."  They  liked 
hunting  too  as  they  marched,  and  here  was  a  fine 
opportunity ;  "  an  hundred  and  fortie  eight  foules,  the 
President,  Anthony  Bagnall,  and  Serieant  Pising  did 
kill  at  three  shoots."  It  was  the  12th  of  January 
when  they  reached  Werowocomoco. 

They  went  ashore,  quartered  without  much  cere- 
mony at  the  first  house  they  found,  and  sent  to 
Powhatan  for  a  supply  of  provisions.  They  were 
promptly  furnished  with  plenty  of  bread,  venison  and 
turkeys.  Their  liberal  host  feasted  them  again  the 
next  day;  but  not  without  inquiring,  at  the  close  of 
the  entertainment,  when  they  proposed  to  go  home, 
insinuating  that  the  pleasure  of  their  company  was 
wholly  unexpected,  and  that  he  and  his  people  had 
very  little  corn  —  though  for  forty  swords  he  thought 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  27 

forty  baskets  might  be  collected.  In  reply,  Smith 
asked  if  he  had  forgotten  his  own  invitation  thus 
suddenly;  and  then  produced  the  messengers  who 
had  carried  it,  and  who  happened  to  be  near  at  hand. 
The  emperor  affected  to  regard  the  affair  as  a  mere 
joke,  and  laughed  heartily.  Smith  then  proposed 
trade;  but  Powhatan  would  take  nothing  but  guns 
and  swords,  and  valued  a  basket  of  corn  higher  than  a 
basket  of  copper.  The  captain  was  nettled,  and  spoke 
his  mind  boldly  and  without  reserve,  giving  the  em- 
peror to  understand  withal,  that  necessity  might  force 
him  to  use  disagreeable  expedients  for  relieving  his 
own  wants  and  the  need  of  the  colony. 

Powhatan  listened  to  this  declaration  with  cool 
gravity,  and  replied  with  a  corresponding  frankness 
"  I  will  spare  you  what  I  can,"  said  he,  "  and  that 
within  two  days.  But,  Captain  Smith,  I  have  some 
doubts  as  to  your  object  in  this  visit.  I  am  informed 
that  you  wish  to  conquer  more  than  to  trade,  and  at 
all  events  you  know  my  people  must  be  afraid  to 
come  near  you  with  their  corn,  so  long  as  you  go 
armed  and  with  such  a  retinue.  Lay  aside  your 
weapons,  then.  Here  they  are  needless.  We  are  all 
friends,  all  Powhatans."  The  information  alluded  to 
here  was  probably  gathered  from  two  or  three 
Germans,  who  had  deserted  the  colony  and  gone 
among  the  Indians. 

A  great  contest  of  ingenuity  now  ensued  between 
the  Englishman  and  the  savage  —  the  latter  appar- 
ently endeavoring  to  temporise  only  for  the  purpose 
of  putting  the  former  and  his  men  off  their  guard. 
He  especially  insisted  on  the  propriety  of  laying  aside 
their  arms.  "  Captain  Smith,"  he  continued,  "  I  am 


28  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

old,  and  I  know  well  the  difference  between  peace 
and  war.  I  wish  to  live  quietly  with  you,  and  I  wish 
the  same  for  my  successors.  Now  the  rumors  which 
reach  me  on  all  hands  make  me  uneasy.  What  do 
you  expect  to  gain  by  destroying  us  who  provide 
you  with  food?  And  what  can  you  get  by  war,  if 
we  escape  you  and  hide  our  provisions  in  the  woods? 
We  are  unarmed  too,  you  see.  Do  you  believe  me 
such  a  fool  as  not  to  prefer  eating  good  meat,  sleeping 
quietly  with  my  wives  and  children,  laughing  and 
making  merry  with  you,  having  copper  and  hatchets 
and  any  thing  else  —  as  your  friend  —  to  flying  from 
you  as  your  enemy,  lying  cold  in  the  woods,  eating 
acorns  and  roots,  and  being  so  hunted  by  you  mean- 
while, that  if  but  a  twig  break,  my  men  will  cry  out 
there  comes  Captain  Smith.  Let  us  be  friends,  then. 
Do  not  invade  us  thus  with  such  an  armed  force. 
Lay  aside  these  arms." 

The  captain  answered  this  speech,  and  several 
others  to  the  same  effect,  until,  either  seeing  or  sup- 
posing that  the  emperor's  object  was  hostile,  he  gave 
secret  orders  for  hauling  his  boat  ashore  through  the 
ice,  and  landing  those  of  his  company  who  still  re- 
mained aboard.  He  also  attempted  to  detain  Pow- 
hatan  with  the  delivery  of  divers  rigmarole  harangues ; 
but  the  latter  was  not  to  be  so  easily  outwitted.  He 
introduced  two  or  .three  women  to  sustain  a  sharp 
conversation  with  the  enemy,  and  suddenly  availed 
himself  of  that  opportunity  to  leave  the  house,  with 
all  his  attendants  and  luggage.  In  a  few  minutes 
Smith  found  himself  surrounded  with  Indians ;  arid 
thereupon,  we  are  told,  "  with  his  pistoll,  sword  and 
target,  hee  made  such  a  passage  among  these  naked 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  29 

Diuils,  that  at  his  first  shoot  those  next  to  him  tumbled 
one  over  another."  The  rest  fled  in  all  directions. 

Powhatan  was  not  yet  discouraged.  His  men 
again  flocked  about  Smith  with  civil  explanations  of 
every  thing  which  had  happened ;  and  he  himself 
sent  him  a  large  and  handsome  bracelet  by  the  hand 
of  one  of  his  chief  orators,  with  a  speech  full  of 
compliments  and  excuses.  Baskets  were  furnished 
for  carrying  the  corn  which  had  been  sold  aboard 
the  boat;  and  the  Indians  even  offered  their  services 
to  guard  the  arms  of  the  English,  while  they  were  taking 
care  of  the  provisions.  This  favor  was  declined ;  but 
as  the  English  were  still  under  the  necessity  of  wait- 
ing for  the  tide  of  the  next  morning,  no  pains  were 
spared  to  entertain  them  with  feasts  and  sports  mean- 
while. Smith  supposes  that  the  Sachem  was  all  this 
time  preparing  his  forces  for  surprising  them  at 
supper.  He  probably  conjectured  right;  and  but  for 
Pocahontas  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  game 
would  actually  have  succeeded.  The  kind-hearted 
princess  came  to  Smith's  quarters  in  the  woods,  alone 
and  in  the  evening,  and  earnestly  advised  him  by  all 
means  to  leave  her  father's  territories  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible. The  latter  was  collecting  all  his  power,  she 
said,  to  make  an  assault  upon  him,  unless  those  who 
were  sent  with  his  supper  should  themselves  succeed 
in  despatching  him. 

In  less  than  an  hour  afterwards  came  eight  or  ten 
lusty  fellows,  with  great  platters  of  venison  and  other 
victuals,  who  were  importunate  that  the  English  should 
extinguish  their  matches,  the  smoke  of  which  they  af- 
fected to  think  very  disagreeable.  The  captain, 
without  noticing  this  circumstance,  made  them  taste 


30  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

every  dish,  and  then  sent  some  of  them  back  to  tell 
Powhatan  that  the  English  were  ready  to  see  him ; 
as  for  themselves,  he  understood  their  villany,  but 
they  should  go  free.  Other  messengers  came  in  soon 
after,  at  intervals,  to  learn  how  matters  went  on.  The 
night  was  spent  without  sleep  on  either  side.  Each 
party  watched  the  movements  of  the  other  with  vigi- 
lant eyes,  while  both  were  subtle  and  civil  enough 
still  to  affect  friendship.  At  high  water,  Smith  went 
off  with  his  company,  leaving  with  the  emperor,  at 
his  own  request,  an  Englishman  to  kill  game  for  him, 
and  two  or  three  of  the  Germans  to  assist  him  in  build- 
ing a  house. 

But  the  game  was  not  yet  over.  He  had  no  sooner 
set  sail  for  Pamunkey,  than  the  emperor  despatched 
a  deputation  across  the  woods  to  Jamestown,  to  take 
advantage  of  his  absence  for  buying  up  a  quantity  of 
ammunition  and  arms.  On  arriving,  these  messengers 
told  Captain  Winne,  the  temporary  commander  of  the 
colony,  "  that  their  coming  was  for  some  extraordi- 
nary tooles  and  shift  of  apparell ;  by  which  colourable 
excuse  they  obtained  sixe  or  seuen  more  [of  the  colo- 
nists] to  their  confederacie,  such  expert  theeues,  that 
presently  furnished  them  with  a  great  many  swords, 
pike-heads,  peeces,  shot,  powder  and  sucsh  like."  In- 
dians enough  were  at  hand  to  carry  away  the  articles 
as  soon  as  obtained ;  and  the  next  day,  the  deputa- 
tion returned  home  unsuspected,  after  making  an 
agreement  for  the  services  of  such  traitorous  vaga- 
bonds as  were  willing  to  desert  from  the  colony.  One 
or  two  of  those  who  had  deserted  already,  had  pro- 
vided Powhatan  with  as  many  as  three  hundred  hatch- 
ets, fifty  swords,  eight  '  pieces  '  and  eight  pikes. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  31 

Meanwhile,  Smith  had  arrived  at  Pamunkey,  and 
here  Opechancanough  was  entertaining  him  with  all 
manner  of  feasting  and  mirth.  On  the  day  agreed 
upon  between  the  parties  for  commencing  trade,  the 
captain,  with  fifteen  of  his  men,  went  up  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  from  the  river  to  the  Sachem's  house,  the 
appointed  rendezvous.  He  found  no  person  there, 
excepting  a  lame  man  and  a  boy.  The  other  houses 
in  the  village  were  entirely  abandoned.  Presently, 
however,  came  the  Sachem,  followed  by  many  of  his 
subjects,  well  armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  At- 
tempts were  made  to  buy  corn,  but  so  unsuccessfully 
that  Smith  was  provoked,  and  remonstrated  as  he  had 
done  with  Powhatan.  Upon  this,  the  Sachem  sold 
what  provision  was  at  hand,  and  promised  to  give 
better  satisfaction  the  next  day. 

Then,  accordingly,  Smith  made  his  appearance 
again.  He  found  four  or  five  men  at  the  house  with 
great  baskets,  but  whether  with  any  thing  in  them 
does  not  appear.  Opechancanough  himself  came  in 
soon  after,  and  commenced  a  cheerful  conversation, 
enlarging  particularly  upon  the  pains  he  had  taken  to 
keep  his  promise.  Just  at  this  moment  one  of  Smith's 
company  brought  him  word  that  the  house  was  beset. 
The  woods  and  fields  all  around  him  were  thronged 
with  more  than  seven  hundred  savages,  armed  and 
painted  for  battle. 

The  English,  of  whom  there  were  only  fifteen  on 
shore,  were  generally  much  alarmed  at  this  news,  and 
could  easily  perceive  that  Opechancanough  enjoyed 
their  surprise.  But  Smith  was  now  in  his  element. 
"  My  worthy  countrymen,"  said  he  to  his  trembling 
comrades,  "  Had  I  no  more  to  fear  from  my  friends, 


32  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

than  from  these  enemies,  I  should  be  willing  to  meet 
twice  as  many — would  you  but  second  me.  But  what 
course  shall  be  taken?  If  we  begin  with  them,  and 
seize  the  king,  we  shall  have  more  than  our  hands  full 
to  keep  him  and  defend  ourselves.  If  we  kill  them  all, 
we  must  starve  for  want  of  their  provisions.  As  for 
their  fury,  that  is  the  least  subject  of  apprehension. 
You  know  I  have  heretofore  managed  two  or  three 
hundreds  of  them  alone.  Now  here  are  sixteen  of  us, 
to  their  seven  hundred.  If  you  dare  stand  but  to  fire 
your  pieces,  the  very  smoke  will  be  enough  for  them. 
But  at  all  events  let  us  fight  like  men,  and  not  die  like 
sheep.  First,  however,  let  me  propose  some  condi- 
tions to  them,  and  so  we  shall  have  something  to  fight 
for."  The  occasion  admitting  of  no  argument,  the 
company  pledged  themselves  promptly  to  second  him 
in  whatever  he  attempted,  or  die. 

The  captain  then  advanced  towards  the  Sachem, 
and  addressed  him.  "  Opechancanough,"  said  he,  "  I 
perceive  you  are  plotting  to  murder  me,  but  I  fear  you 
not.  As  yet  neither  your  men  nor  mine  have  done 
much  harm.  Now  therefore  take  your  arms — as  you 
see  here  are  mine — my  body  shall  be  as  naked  as  yours 
—  the  island  in  the  river  is  a  fit  place  for  a  combat,  and 
the  conqueror  of  us  two,  shall  be  master  of  all.  If 
you  have  not  men  enough  about  you,  take  time  to  mus- 
ter more — as  many  as  you  will — only  let  every  one 
bring  his  basket  of  corn,  and  against  that  I  will  stake 
the  value  in  copper." 

The  Sachem  replied  very  soothingly  to  this  pro- 
posal. He  was  sorry  to  see  any  suspicion  of  unkind- 
ness ;  and  begged  that  the  captain  would  do  him  the 
honor  to  accept  a  handsome  present,  (by  way  of  peace- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  33 

offering,)  which  was  ready  for  him  at  the  door  of  the 
house.  The  object  of  this  suggestion  was  sufficiently 
obvious ;  for  besides  the  forty  or  fifty  Indians  consti- 
tuting the  Sachem's  body-guard  within,  "  the  bait,"  as 
Smith  calls  it,  at  the  door,  (meaning  the  present)  was 
guarded  by  about  two  hundred  men,  and  thirty  more 
were  stationed  behind  a  large  tree  which  lay  length- 
wise athwart  the  passage-way  with  their  arrows  ready 
notched.  It  was  now  Smith's  turn  to  make  a  move- 
ment. He  seized  the  Sachem  in  the  midst  of  his  reti- 
nue, by  his  long  locks,  presenting  a  pistol  ready- 
cocked  at  his  bosom ;  and  in  this  position  led  him  out 
trembling  with  terror,  among  the  multitude  who  sur- 
rounded the  house.  He  immediately  gave  up  his  vam- 
brace,  bow  and  arrows,  and  his  frightened  subjects 
hastened  to  follow  his  example. 

"  I  perceive,  ye  Pamunkies  " —  shouted  the  captain 
at  this  moment,  still  holding  on  by  the  Sachem's  hair 
— "  I  perceive  how  eager  ye  are  to  kill  me.  My  own 
long  suffering  is  the  cause  of  your  insolence.  Now 
shoot  but  one  arrow  to  shed  one  drop  of  blood  for 
one  of  these  men,  or  steal  but  the  least  of  these  beads, 
and  ye  shall  not  hear  the  last  of  me  so  long  as  a  Pa- 
munkey  remains  alive  who  will  not  deny  the  name. 
I  am  not  now  in  the  mire  of  a  swamp,  ye  perceive. 
Shoot  then,  if  ye  dare.  But  at  all  hazards  ye  shall  load 
my  boat  with  your  corn,  or  I  will  load  her  with  your 
carcasses.  Still,  unless  you  give  me  the  first  occasion, 
we  may  be  friends,  and  your  king  may  go  free.  I  have 
no  wish  to  harm  him  or  you." 

This  speech  had  its  effect.  The  savages  laid  aside 
their  arms,  and  brought  in  their  commodities  for  trade 
in  such  abundance,  that  the  English  at  length  became 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 3 


36  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  understanding  that  unless  the  former  should  be 
successful  in  his  search  within  twelve  hours,  he  was 
to  be  hanged.  But  for  his  comfort  during  that  inter- 
val, Smith  furnished  him  with  victuals,  and  charcoal 
for  a  fire.  In  the  evening,  the  man  who  had  been  dis- 
charged, returned  with  the  pistol ;  but  the  poor  fellow 
in  the  dungeon  was  meanwhile  very  nearly  smothered 
with  the  smoke  of  his  coal.  Those  who  came  to  re- 
lease him  took  him  up  for  dead.  "  The  other  most 
lamentably  bewayled  his  death,  and  broke  forth  into 
such  bitter  agonies  that  the  President  [Smith]  to 
quiet  him,  told  him  that  if  he  would  steale  no  more, 
he  would  make  him  [his  brother]  alive  again;  but  he 
little  thought  he  could  be  recovered.  Yet  we  doing 
our  best  with  aqua  Vita  and  Vinegar,  it  pleased  God 
to  restore  him  againe  to  life,  but  so  drunke  and  af- 
frighted that  he  seemed  lunaticke,  the  which  as  much 
tormented  and  grieued  the  other,  as  before  to  see  him 
dead.  Of  this  maladie,  vpon  promise  of  their  good 
behavour,  the  President  promised  to  recover  him; 
and  so  caused  him  to  be  layd  by  a  fire  to  sleepe,  who 
in  the  morning  having  well  slept  had  recovered  his 
perfect  senses,  and  then  being  dressed  of  his  burning, 
and  each  a  peece  of  copper  given  them,  they  went 
away  so  well  contented  that  this  was  spread  among  all 
the  savages  for  a  miracle,  that  Captain  Smith  could 
make  a  man  alive  that  was  dead." 

Another  of  the  incidents  just  alluded  to  is  as 
follows.  One  of  Powhatan's  subjects,  in  his  zeal  to 
acquire  knowledge  and  some  other  things,  obtained 
possession  of  a  large  bag  of  gun-powder  and  the  backe, 
as  Smith  calls  it,  of  an  armour.  This  ingenious  arti- 
san, on  his  return  to  Werowocomoco,  determined  to 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  37 

display  these  precious  prizes  to  his  wondering  coun- 
trymen, and  at  the  same  time  to  exhibit  his  own  ex- 
traordinary skill  in  the  management  of  them.  He 
therefore  began  drying  the  powder  upon  the  armour, 
as  he  had  seen  the  soldiers  do  at  Jamestown.  Un- 
luckily, he  dried  it  too  much.  An  explosion  took  place, 
which  blew  up  the  proprietor,  together  with  one  or 
two  of  the  spectators  who  were  peeping  over  his  shoul- 
ders. Several  others  were  badly  scorched,  and  all 
horribly  frightened ;  and  for  some  time  after  powder 
fell  into  a  general  disuse  with  the  savages  much  to 
the  benefit  of  the  English. 

These  and  other  similar  accidents,  we  are  told,  so 
affrighted  Powhatan  and  his  people,  that  they  came 
in  from  every  quarter  with  proffers  of  peace.  Sev- 
eral stolen  articles  were  returned,  the  loss  of  which 
had  never  before  been  discovered;  and  whenever  an 
Indian  was  convicted  of  theft,  wherever  he  might  be 
found,  he  was  promptly  sent  in  to  Jamestown  for  his 
punishment.  Not  long  afterwards  we  find  that  "  so 
affraide  was  al  those  kings  and  the  better  sort  of  the 
people  to  displease  vs  [the  colonists]  that  some  of 
the  baser  sort  that  we  haue  extreamely  hurt  and  pun- 
ished for  their  villanies,  would  hire  vs  we  should  not 
tell  it  to  their  kings  or  countrymen,  who  would  also 
punish  them,  and  yet  returne  them  to  lames-Toune 
to  content  the  President  for  a  testimony  of  their 
loues." 

Still,  the  prowess  and  the  name  of  Smith  himself 
were  the  best  preservatives  of  peace ;  and  he  had 
scarcely  left  the  country  for  England  when  matters 
relapsed  into  their  worst  state.  About  thirty  of  the 
English  were  cut  off  by  Powhatan's  men  at  one  time ; 


36  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  understanding  that  unless  the  former  should  be 
successful  in  his  search  within  twelve  hours,  he  was 
to  be  hanged.  But  for  his  comfort  during  that  inter- 
val, Smith  furnished  him  with  victuals,  and  charcoal 
for  a  fire.  In  the  evening,  the  man  who  had  been  dis- 
charged, returned  with  the  pistol ;  but  the  poor  fellow 
in  the  dungeon  was  meanwhile  very  nearly  smothered 
with  the  smoke  of  his  coal.  Those  who  came  to  re- 
lease him  took  him  up  for  dead.  "  The  other  most 
lamentably  bewayled  his  death,  and  broke  forth  into 
such  bitter  agonies  that  the  President  [Smith]  to 
quiet  him,  told  him  that  if  he  would  steale  no  more, 
he  would  make  him  [his  brother]  alive  again ;  but  he 
little  thought  he  could  be  recovered.  Yet  we  doing 
our  best  with  aqua  Vita  and  Vinegar,  it  pleased  God 
to  restore  him  againe  to  life,  but  so  drunke  and  af- 
frighted that  he  seemed  lunaticke,  the  which  as  much 
tormented  and  grieued  the  other,  as  before  to  see  him 
dead.  Of  this  maladie,  vpon  promise  of  their  good 
behavour,  the  President  promised  to  recover  him ; 
and  so  caused  him  to  be  layd  by  a  fire  to  sleepe,  who 
in  the  morning  having  well  slept  had  recovered  his 
perfect  senses,  and  then  being  dressed  of  his  burning, 
and  each  a  peece  of  copper  given  them,  they  went 
away  so  well  contented  that  this  was  spread  among  all 
the  savages  for  a  miracle,  that  Captain  Smith  could 
make  a  man  alive  that  was  dead." 

Another  of  the  incidents  just  alluded  to  is  as 
follows.  One  of  Powhatan's  subjects,  in  his  zeal  to 
acquire  knowledge  and  some  other  things,  obtained 
possession  of  a  large  bag  of  gun-powder  and  the  backe, 
as  Smith  calls  it,  of  an  armour.  This  ingenious  arti- 
san, on  his  return  to  Werowocomoco,  determined  to 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  37 

display  these  precious  prizes  to  his  wondering  coun- 
trymen, and  at  the  same  time  to  exhibit  his  own  ex- 
traordinary skill  in  the  management  of  them.  He 
therefore  began  drying  the  powder  upon  the  armour, 
as  he  had  seen  the  soldiers  do  at  Jamestown.  Un- 
luckily, he  dried  it  too  much.  An  explosion  took  place, 
which  blew  up  the  proprietor,  together  with  one  or 
two  of  the  spectators  who  were  peeping  over  his  shoul- 
ders. Several  others  were  badly  scorched,  and  all 
horribly  frightened;  and  for  some  time  after  powder 
fell  into  a  general  disuse  with  the  savages  much  to 
the  benefit  of  the  English. 

These  and  other  similar  accidents,  we  are  told,  so 
affrighted  Powhatan  and  his  people,  that  they  came 
in  from  every  quarter  with  proffers  of  peace.  Sev- 
eral stolen  articles  were  returned,  the  loss  of  which 
had  never  before  been  discovered ;  and  whenever  an 
Indian  was  convicted  of  theft,  wherever  he  might  be 
found,  he  was  promptly  sent  in  to  Jamestown  for  his 
punishment.  Not  long  afterwards  we  find  that  "  so 
affraide  was  al  those  kings  and  the  better  sort  of  the 
people  to  displease  vs  [the  colonists]  that  some  of 
the  baser  sort  that  we  haue  extreamely  hurt  and  pun- 
ished for  their  villanies,  would  hire  vs  we  should  not 
tell  it  to  their  kings  or  countrymen,  who  would  also 
punish  them,  and  yet  returne  them  to  lames-Toune 
to  content  the  President  for  a  testimony  of  their 
loues." 

Still,  the  prowess  and  the  name  of  Smith  himself 
were  the  best  preservatives  of  peace ;  and  he  had 
scarcely  left  the  country  for  England  when  matters 
relapsed  into  their  worst  state.  About  thirty  of  the 
English  were  cut  off  by  Powhatan's  men  at  one  time ; 


38  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  of  a  population  of  six  hundred  left  in  the  colony 
at  Smith's  departure,  there  remained  at  the  end  of  six 
months  only  sixty  men,  women  and  children.  These 
were  subsisted  chiefly  upon  roots,  herbs,  acorns,  wal- 
nuts, berries  and  now  and  then  a  little  fish.  The 
skins  of  horses,  and  even  considerable  quantities  of 
starch,,  were  used  for  food.  Others  went  so  far  as  to 
disinter  and  devour  the  body  of  an  Indian  who  had 
been  slain  and  buried.  One  man  killed  his  wife, 
"  powdered  her,"  and  had  eaten  a  part  of  her  before 
it  was  known.  The  poor  wretch  was  hanged  for  his 
horrible  deed  of  despair. 

Peace  was  finally  effected  with  Powhatan  through 
the  intervention,  or  rather  by  the  mere  medium  of 
Pocahontas,  in  the  following  manner.  Early  in  1613, 
two  ships  arrived  at  Jamestown  with  supplies  for  the 
colony.  These  being  insufficient,  Captain  Argall, 
who  commanded  one  of  them,  was  sent  up  the  Poto- 
mac river  to  trade  with  the  natives  for  corn.  Here 
Argall  formed  a  particular  acquaintance  with  Japazaws, 
the  chief  sachem  of  the  Potomacs  or  Patawomekes, 
and  always  a  stanch  friend  of  the  English.  He  in- 
formed the  captain,  among  other  things,  that  Poca- 
hontas was  at  this  time  in  his  territories,  and  not  far 
distant,  keeping  herself  in  seclusion,  and  known  only 
to  a  few  trusty  friends.  What  were  the  reasons  which 
induced  her  thus  to  forsake  her  father's  dominions  for 
a  foreigner's,  does  not  appear.  Stith  supposes  it  was 
to  withdraw  herself  from  being  a  witness  of  the  fre- 
quent butcheries  of  the  English,  whose  folly  and 
rashness,  after  Smith's  departure,  put  it  out  of  her 
power  to  save  them.  And  very  probably,  as  a  later 
historian  suggests,  she  had  already  incurred  the  dis- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  39 

pleasure  of  the  emperor  by  these  repeated  and  futile 
though  highly  honorable  attempts. 

But  whatever  her  motives  might  be,  Argall  had 
no  sooner  received  intelligence  of  her  situation,  than 
he  resolved  on  obtaining  possession  of  her  person, 
as  a  means  —  which  he  had  no  doubt  the  colony 
would  thank  him  for  —  of  effecting  a  peace  with 
Powhatan.  Japazaws  seems  to  have  been  a  well- 
meaning  and  honest  fellow  in  general ;  but  the  temp- 
tation of  a  large  new  copper  kettle,  which  Argall  held 
out  before  him  as  the  promised  recompense  for  his 
aid  and  abettance  in  the  case — the  consideration  of 
the  praiseworthy  object  proposed  to  be  accomplished 
by  the  measure  —  and  last  though  not  least  of  all 
the  captain's  pledge  that  Pocahontas  should  not  be 
harmed  while  in  his  custody,  were  sufficient  to  over- 
come his  scruples.  The  next  thing  in  order  was  to 
induce  the  princess — as  this  amiable  and  talented  In- 
dian female  has  generally  been  styled — to  go  on  board 
Argall's  boat.  To  that  end,  Japazaws,  who  had  him- 
self seen  many  of  the  English  vessels  before  this, 
induced  his  wife  to  affect  an  extreme  curiosity  upon 
the  subject,  so  intolerably  importunate  that  he  finally 
threatened  to  beat  her.  The  good  woman  on  the  other 
hand  actually  accomplished  a  few  tears.  This  hap- 
pened in  the  presence  of  Pocahontas,  and  the  scene 
was  frequently  repeated,  until  at  last  Japazaws,  af- 
fecting to  be  subdued  by  the  manifest  affliction  of 
his  wife,  reluctantly  gave  her  permission  to  visit  the 
vessel,  provided  that  Pocahontas  would  have  the 
politeness  to  go  with  her. 

The  princess,  always  complaisant,  and  unable  to 
witness  any  longer  the  apparent  distress  of  her  kind 


40  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

friend  and  hostess,  consented  to  go  on  board  the 
ship.  There  they  were  civilly  welcomed,  and  first 
entertained  in  the  cabin.  The  captain  then  found 
an  opportunity  to  decoy  Pocahontas  into  the  gun- 
room, on  pretence  of  conferring  there  with  Japazaws, 
but  really  because  the  kind-hearted  Sachem,  who  had 
received  ere  this  the  brilliant  wages  of  his  sin,  and 
began  perhaps  to  relent,  was  unwilling  to  be  known 
by  the  princess  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  plot 
against  her  liberty.  When  Argall  told  her,  in  his 
presence,  that  she  must  go  with  him  to  the  colony, 
and  compound  a  peace  between  her  father  and  the 
English,  she  wept  indeed  in  the  bitterness  of  her  soul ; 
as  for  Japazaws  and  his  wife,  they  absolutely  howled 
with  inconsolable  and  inconceivable  affliction.  But 
the  princess  recovered  her  composure  on  finding  her- 
self treated  with  kindness ;  and  while  she  turned  her 
face  towards  the  English  colony,  (which  she  had  not 
seen  since  Smith's  departure)  with  something  even 
like  cheerfulness  at  the  prospect  of  doing  good,  her 
distressed  guardian  and  his  pliant  spouse,  with  their 
copper  kettle  filled  with  toys,  trudged  merrily  back 
to  their  own  wigwam. 

On  Argall's  arrival  at  Jamestown,  a  message  was 
immediately  despatched  to  Powhatan,  "that  his  daugh- 
ter Pocahontas  he  loued  so  dearly,  he  must  ransom 
with  our  men,  swords,  peeces,  tooles,  &c.,  hee  trech- 
erously  had  stolen."  This  was  not  so  complimentary 
or  soothing  as  might  have  been  imagined,  it  must  be 
allowed  ( —  the  courtesy  of  Smith  was  no  longer  in 
the  colony — )  and  this  perhaps  was  the  reason  why, 
much  as  the  unwelcome  news  of  his  daughter's  cap- 
tivity is  said  to  have  troubled  him,  he  sent  no  answer 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  41 

to  the  message  for  the  space  of  three  months.  Then, 
at  the  further  persuasion  of  the  council  of  Jamestown, 
he  liberated  and  sent  in  seven  of  his  English  prisoners, 
with  three  rusty  unserviceable  muskets,  an  axe,  a 
saw  and  one  canoe  laden  with  corn.  They  were  in- 
structed to  say  that  if  Pocahontas  should  be  given  up, 
he  would  make  satisfaction  for  all  the  injuries  he  had 
done,  conclude  a  perpetual  peace,  and  send  in  a  bonus 
of  five  hundred  bushels  of  corn.  To  this  the  council 
replied  that  his  daughter,  though  they  would  use  her 
well  could  not  be  restored  to  him  until  all  the  English 
arms  and  captives  in  his  possession  should  be  de- 
livered back  to  the  owners.  They  did  not  believe, 
what  he  or  some  of  his  men  had  asserted,  that  these 
arms  had  been  lost,  or  that  the  whites  who  remained 
with  him  were  free  volunteers  in  his  service. 

This  ungracious  message  was  no  more  conciliating 
than  the  former;  nor  was  any  thing  more  seen  or 
heard  of  the  emperor  until  the  spring  of  1614,  when 
a  party  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  colonists,  well  armed, 
went  up  his  own  river  to  Werowocomoco,  taking 
Pocahontas  with  them.  The  Powhatans  received 
them  with  scornful  bravadoes,  proudly  demanding 
the  purpose  of  this  new  invasion.  The  English  an- 
swered, that  they  had  brought  the  emperor's  daugh- 
ter, and  that  they  expected  the  proper  ransom  for  her, 
either  peaceably  or  by  force.  The  Powhatans  rejoined, 
that  if  they  came  to  fight,  they  were  welcome,  and 
should  be  treated  as  Captain  Ratcliffe  had  been. 
Upon  this  the  English  said  they  would  have  a  more 
civil  answer  at  least,  and  forthwith  commenced  mak- 
ing rapidly  for  the  shore  in  their  small  boats,  the  In- 
dians having  about  the  same  time  begun  to  let  fly 


42  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

their  arrows  among  them.  They  effected  a  landing, 
and  burned  and  destroyed  every  thing  they  could 
find.  The  next  day  they  sailed  farther  up  the  river; 
and  meeting  with  a  fresh  party  of  Powhatans,  after 
some  altercation  and  explanation,  a  truce  was  con- 
cluded, and  messengers  were  promised  to  be  sent  off 
for  the  emperor.  This  was  probably  a  mere  feint. 
It  was  also  stated,  that  the  English  captives  or  deser- 
ters had  run  off,  for  fear  of  being  hanged  by  their 
countrymen.  As  for  the  swords  and  pieces,  they  were 
to  be  brought  the  next  day.  But  nothing  was  seen 
of  them,  and  the  English  proceeded  till  they  came  to 
a  residence  of  Powhatan  (called  Matchot)  where  were 
collected  about  four  hundred  of  his  warriors,  well 
armed.  These  men  challenged  the  English  to  land ; 
and  when  they  did  so,  walked  boldly  up  and  down 
among  them ;  demanded  a  conference  with  their  cap- 
tain ;  and  said,  that  unless  time  should  be  allowed  them 
to  send  and  receive  directions  from  Powhatan,  they 
would  fight  for  their  own  as  well  as  they  were  able. 
Other  bravadoes  passed  between  the  parties,  but  a 
truce  was  finally  agreed  upon  until  noon  of  the  next 
day.  Meanwhile,  two  of  the  brothers  of  Pocahontas 
— of  whom  this  is  the  first  mention  —  came  to  see  her. 
They  were  delighted  to  find  her  in  good  health,  and 
promised  to  do  everything  they  could  to  effect  her 
redemption.  Two  of  the  English  also  set  off  to  visit 
Powhatan.  They  were  not  admitted  to  the  emperor's 
presence  —  for  what  reason,  it  is  not  stated  —  but 
Opechancanough  treated  them  in  the  most  hospitable 
manner.  On  their  return,  the  whole  party  descended 
the  river  to  Jamestown. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  43 

One  of  the  two  messengers  last  named  was  John 
Rolfe,  styled  by  an  old  historian,  "  an  honest  gentle- 
man and  of  good  behaviour;"  but  more  especially 
known  by  the  event  which  we  have  now  to  notice  — 
his  marriage  with  Pocahontas  —  between  whom  and 
himself  there  had  been  an  ardent  attachment  for 
some  time.  The  idea  of  this  connexion  pleased 
Powhatan  so  much,  that  within  ten  days  after  Rolfe's 
visit,  he  sent  in  one  of  his  near  relatives  named 
Opachiko,  together  with  two  "of  his  sons,  to  see  (as 
says  the  authority  just  cited)  the  manner  of  the  mar- 
riage ;  and  to  do  in  that  behalf  what  they  were  re- 
quested for  the  confirmation  thereof,  as  his  deputies. 
The  ceremony  took  place  about  the  first  of  April ; 
and  from  that  time  until  the  death  of  the  emperor, 
which  happened  in  1618,  the  most  friendly  relations 
were  uniformly  preserved  with  himself  and  with  his 
subjects. 

There  are  too  many  memorable  passages  in  the 
history  of  this  celebrated  chieftain,  and  too  many  re- 
markable traits  in  his  character,  to  be  passed  over 
with  a  mere  general  notice.  But,  previous  to  any 
other  comment,  it  may  be  proper  to  mention  certain 
facts  respecting  him,  which  belong  rather  to  the 
curious  than  to  the  characteristic  class.  In  the  case 
of  all  great  men,  as  well  as  of  many  noted  men  who 
are  not  great,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  information 
generally  to  be  gathered,  which  may  be  interesting 
without  being  strictly  important.  Powhatan  was 
both  a  great  and  a  noted  man,  though  a  savage ;  and 
the  rude  circumstances  under  which  he  proved  him- 
self the  one,  and  made  himself  the  other,  should  only 


44  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

render  him  the  more  signally  an  object  of  popular 
admiration  and  of  philosophical  regard. 

In  person,  he  is  described,  by  one  who  saw  him 
frequently,  as  a  tall  well-proportioned  man  with  a 
severe  aspect;  his  head  slightly  gray;  his  beard  thin 
(as  that  of  the  Indians  always  is ;)  and  "  of  a  very 
able  and  hardy  body  to  endure  any  labor."  As  he 
appeared  to  be  about  sixty  years  of  age,  when  the 
English  first  saw  him,  in  1607,  he  was  probably  about 
seventy  at  his  death.  He  troubled  himself  but  little 
with  public  affairs  during  his  last  years,  leaving  the 
charge  of  them  chiefly  to  Opechancanough,  as  his 
viceroy,  and  taking  his  own  pleasure  in  visiting  the 
various  parts  of  his  dominions. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe,  that  he 
had  as  many  as  three  or  four  places  of  residence. 
Werowocomoco  was  abandoned  for  Orapakes,  with 
the  view  of  keeping  at  an  agreeable  distance  from 
the  colonists.  The  latter  became  a  favorite  resort. 
There,  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from  the  village,  he 
had  a  house  in  which  were  deposited  his  royalties  and 
his  revenue  —  skins,  copper,  beads,  red  paint,  bows 
and  arrows,  targets  and  clubs.  Some  of  these  things 
were  reserved  for  the  time  of  his  burial;  others  were 
the  resources  of  war.  The  house  itself  was  more 
than  one  hundred  feet  in  length  —  one  historian  says 
fifty  or  sixty  yards  —  and  as  it  seems  to  have  been 
frequented  only  by  the  Indian  priests,  probably  a 
sacred  character  attached  to  it  in  the  minds  of  the 
multitude,  which  was  one  of  the  means  of  its  security. 
Four  rudely-graven  images  of  wood  were  stationed 
at  the  four  corners;  one  representing  a  dragon,  the 
second  a  bear,  the  third  a  panther,  and  the  fourth  a 


! 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  45 

gigantic  man  —  all  made  evil-favoredly,  as  we  are  told, 
but  according  to  the  best  workmanship  of  the  natives. 

The  state  which  Powhatan  adopted  as  emperor, 
appears  in  some  degree  from  the  preceding  details  of 
his  history.  He  is  said  to  have  kept  about  his  person 
from  forty  to  fifty  of  the  tallest  men  in  his  dominions ; 
which  might  be  the  case  in  war,  and  upon  occasions 
of  parade  and  ceremony,  more  regularly  than  in 
peaceable  and  ordinary  times.  Every  night,  four 
sentinels  were  stationed  at  the  four  corners  of  his 
dwelling;  and  at  each  half-hour  one  of  the  body-guard 
made  a  signal  to  the  four  sentinels.  Want  of  vigilance 
on  their  part  was  punished  with  the  most  exemplary 
strictness. 

According  to  the  universal  custom  of  the  North 
American  natives,  he  kept  as  many  wives  as  he 
thought  proper;  and  is  represented  to  have  taken 
no  little  pleasure  in  their  society.  When  the  English 
saw  him  at  home,  reclining  on  his  couch  or  platform, 
there  was  always  one  sitting  at  his  head,  and  another 
at  his  feet;  and  when  he  sat,  two  of  them  seated 
themselves  on  either  side  of  him.  At  his  meals,  one 
of  them  brought  him  water  in  a  wooden  platter  to 
wash  his  hands,  before  and  after  eating;  and  another 
attended  with  a  bunch  of  feathers  for  a  towel.  Some 
were  the  daughters,  and  had  been  the  wives  of  dis- 
tinguished rivals  and  enemies,  conquered  in  battle. 
When  he  became  weary  of  them,  he  transferred  them 
as  presents  to  his  favorite  warriors. 

A  general  proof  of  the  talents  of  Powhatan  may 
be  found  in  the  station  which  he  held,  as  well  as 
the  reputation  he  enjoyed  far  and  wide  among  his 
countrymen.  The  Indian  tribes  are  democracies. 


46  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

He  who  rules  over  them  must  acquire  and  sustain 
his  influence  by  his  absolute  intellect  and  energy. 
Friends  and  family  may  assist,  occasionally,  in  pro- 
curing rank;  but  they  will  not  secure  the  permanent 
possession  of  it.  Generally,  therefore,  the  head- 
Sachem  may  be  looked  upon  as  comparatively  a  model 
of  those  qualities  which  his  countrymen  esteem  suit- 
able to  that  dignity.  He  must  not  only  be  a  warrior, 
brave,  hardy,  patient,  and  indefatigable;  but  he  must 
show  talents  for  controlling  the  fortunes  and  com- 
manding the  respect  of  the  community  w'hich  'he 
governs. 

But  in  this  case  there  is  better  evidence ;  and  es- 
pecially in  the  ultimate  extent  of  Powhatan's  govern- 
ment as  compared  with  his  hereditary  dominions. 
These  included  but  six  tribes  of  the  thirty  which  were 
finally  subject  to  him,  and  all  which  must  have  be- 
come attached  to  his  rule  in  consequence  of  the  charac- 
ter maintained  and  the  measures  adopted  by  himself. 
Among  others  were  the  Chickahominies,  a  very  war- 
like and  proud  people,  numbering  from  two  hundred 
to  five  hundred  warriors,  while  the  Powhatans  proper 
(the  original  nucleus,  so  to  speak,  of  the  emperor's 
dominion,)  numbered  less  than  a  hundred.  The  fear 
which  these  savages  entertained  of  him  appears  on 
many  occasions,  and  particularly  when  they  embraced 
an  opportunity,  in  1611,  of  exchanging  his  yoke  for  that 
of  the  English.  They  were  so  desirous  of  this  change 
—  or  in  other  words  of  procuring  what  they  considered 
the  protection  of  the  new  master  against  the  power 
of  the  old  —  that  they  offered  to  adopt  a  national  name 
indicating  their  subjection.  A  peace  was  accordingly 
concluded  on  condition — 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  47 

I.  That   they   should   be   forever   called   Tassau- 
tessus    [Englishmen,]    and  be   true   subjects  to   King 
James  and  his  deputies. 

II.  They  were  neither  to  kill  nor  detain  any  of 
the  colonists,  or  their  cattle,  but  to  return  them  on 
all  occasions. 

III.  They   should   stand   ready   to   furnish    three 
hundred  warriors  for  the  colony's  service,  against  the 
Spaniards  or  any  other  enemy. 

IV.  They  were  not  to  enter  the  English  "settle- 
ments,  but   send   word   they   were   new    Englishmen, 
(an  obscure  provision,  meant  to  prevent  confounding 
them  with  hostile  tribes.) 

V.  Every  fighting  man,  at  the  beginning  of  har- 
vest, was  to  pay  two  bushels  of  corn  as  a  tribute, 
receiving  the  same  number  of  hatchets  in  return. 

VI.  The  eight  chief  men  were  to  see  all  this  per- 
formed,   on    forfeit    of    being    punished    themselves. 
Their  salary  was  to  be  a  red  coat,  a  copper  chain, 
the  picture  of  King  James,  and  the  honor  of  being 
accounted  his  noblemen. 

This  treaty  was  concluded  with  a  general  assent, 
manifested  by  acclamation;  and  then  one  of  the  old 
men  began  a  speech,  addressing  himself  first  to  those 
of  his  own  age,  then  to  the  young,  and  lastly  to  the 
women  and  children,  a  multitude  of  whom  were 
present.  He  gave  them  to  understand  how  strictly 
these  conditions  must  be  observed,  and  how  safe 
they  should  then  be,  on  the  other  hand,  "from  the  fiirie 
of  Poivhatan  or  any  enemie  whatsoeuer,"  besides 
being  furnished  with  arms  to  resist  them.  The  name 
of  the  emperor,  it  will  be  observed,  is  not  inserted  in 
the  articles  of  peace ;  there  was  supposed  to  be  a 


48  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

hazard,  probably,  of  its  coming  to  his  ears;  and  he 
had  then  himself  just  concluded  an  amicable  treaty. 
"  But  all  this,"  adds  our  historian,  "  was  rather  for 
feare  Powhatan  and  we  being  so  linked  together,  would 
bring  them  again  to  his  subjection:  the  which  to  pre- 
uent,  they  did  rather  chuse  to  be  protected  by  vs,  than 
tormented  by  him,  whom  they  held  a  Tyrant/' 

We  have  seen,  that  of  the  whole  Indian  population 
between  the  sea-coast  and  the  Alleghany  from  east 
to  west,  and  between  the  borders  of  Carolina  and 
the  river  Patuxent  in  Maryland  from  south  to  north, 
all  who  were  not  subject  to  Powhatan's  dominions 
were  leagued  against  him.  The  former  class  com- 
prised the  lowland  tribes;  and  the  latter,  the  moun- 
taineers. In  the  language  of  Stith,  the  Monacans  and 
the  Mannahoacks  formed  a  confederacy  against  the 
power  and  tyranny  of  Powhatan.  Another  writer 
says,  that  he  also  fought  against  the  famous  Massa- 
womekes ;  a  powerful  and  populous  nation,  thought 
to  be  situated  upon  a  great  salt-water,  "  which  by 
all  probability  is  either  some  part  of  Cannada,  some 
great  lake,  or  some  inlet  of  some  sea  that  falleth  into 
the  South  Sea."  This  is  not  a  very  definite  descrip- 
tion, even  for  Smith  to  give;  but  the  Massawomekes 
are  generally  understood  to  have  been  no  other,  we 
believe,  than  the  celebrated  Five  Nations  of  New  York. 
At  all  events,  they  were  exceedingly  troublesome  to 
the  northmost  tribes  of  Powhatan  —  which  might  be 
a  principal  reason  why  they  submitted  the  more  will- 
ingly to  him.  And  thus,  while  the  greater  part  of 
his  own  empire  was  a  conquered  one,  he  was  envi- 
roned by  foreign  enemies  in  every  direction,  includ- 
ing the  civilized  colony  on  the  sea-coast. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  49 

As  to  his  particular  system  of  war  and  conquest, 
we  are  not  minutely  informed.  Like  Indian  warfare 
in  other  sections  and  times,  it  is  said  to  have  consisted, 
in  a  great  degree,  of  stratagem  and  surprisal  rather 
than  force.  In  1608,  a  rebellion  which  arose  among 
the  Payuntatanks,  was  suppressed  in  the  following 
manner.  They  being  near  neighbors,  a  number  of 
his  own  tribe  was  sent  into  their  villages,  who  under 
some  disguise  or  false  pretence  obtained  lodgings  over 
night.  The  several  houses  were  meanwhile  beset  with 
ambuscades :  and  at  an  appointed  signal,  the  two 
parties,  within  and  without,  commenced  an  attack 
at  the  same  moment.  Twenty-four  Payuntatanks  were 
slain  and  their  scalps  carried  to  Powhatan,  who  kept 
them  some  time  suspended  on  a  line  between  two  trees, 
as  a  trophy.  The  women  and  children,  as  also  the 
Werowance  or  Sachem,  were  made  prisoners,  and 
afterwards  slaves  or  servants. 

Powhatan's  warriors  were  regularly  and  thoroughly 
disciplined.  At  one  of  the  first  interviews  with  the 
English,  a  martial  parade  formed  part  of  the  enter- 
tainment. Two  or  three  hundred  Indians  having 
painted  and  disguised  themselves  in  the  fiercest  man- 
ner possible,  were  divided  into  two  companies,  one  of 
which  was  temporarily  styled  Powhatans  and  the  other 
Monacans.  Each  company  had  its  captain.  They 
stationed  themselves  at  about  a  musket-shot  from  each 
other,  Fifteen  men  abreast  formed  the  front  line  of 
both,  and  the  remainder  ranked  themselves  in  the 
rear  with  a  distance  of  four  or  five  yards  from  rank 
to  rank ;  and  not  in  file,  but  in  the  opening  between 
the  files,  so  that  the  rear  could  shoot  as  conveniently 
as  the  front.  A  parley  now  took  place,  and  a  formal 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 4 


50  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

agreement  was  made  that,  whoever  should  conquer, 
such  warriors  as  survived  their  defeat  should  have 
two  days  allowed  them  for  their  own  submission, 
while  their  wives  and  children  should  at  once  become 
prize  to  the  victor. 

The  parties  advanced  against  each  other  a  sort  of 
sergeant  commanding  each  flank,  and  a  lieutenant  the 
rear:  and  the  entire  company  came  on  leaping  and 
singing  to  warlike  music,  but  every  man  in  his  place. 
On  the  first  flight  of  arrows,  they  raised  upon  both 
sides  a  terrific  clamor  of  shouts  and  screeches.  "When 
they  had  spent  their  arrows,  (writes  the  describer  of 
this  scene,)  they  joined  together  prettily,  charging 
and  retiring,  every  rank  seconding  the  other.  As  they 
got  advantage,  they  caught  their  enemies  by  the  hair 
of  the  head,  and  down  he  came  that  was  taken.  His 
enemy  with  his  wooden  sword  seemed  to  beat  out  his 
brains,  and  still  they  crept  to  the  rear  to  maintain 
the  skirmish."  The  Monacan  party  at  length  decreas- 
ing, the  Powhatans  charged  them  in  the  form  of  a 
half  moon.  The  former  retreat,  to  avoid  being  en- 
closed, and  draw  their  pursuers  upon  an  ambuscade  of 
fresh  men.  The  Powhatans  retire  in  their  turn,  and 
the  Monacans  take  this  opportunity  of  resuming  their 
first  ground.  "  All  their  actions,  voices  and  gestures, 
both  in  charging  and  retiring,  were  so  strained  to  the 
height  of  their  qualitie  and  nature,  that  the  strange- 
ness thereof  made  it  seem  very  delightful."  The  war- 
like music  spoken  of  above  was  a  large  deep  platter  of 
wood,  covered  with  skin  drawn  so  tight  as  to  answer 
the  purpose  of  a  drum.  They  also  used  rattles  made 
of  small  gourds  or  pompion  shells ;  and  all  these  —  it 
may  well  be  supposed  —  mingled  with  their  voices, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  51 

sometimes  twenty  or  thirty  together,  "  made  such  a 
terrible  noise,  as  would  rather  affright  than  delight 
any  man/' 

It  was  probably  by  no  little  drilling  of  this  descrip- 
tion that  Powhatan  made  soldiers  of  his  subjects,  and 
it  naturally  enough  mortified  him,  after  taking  so  much 
trouble  with  so  much  success,  to  see  them  defeated  so 
readily  as  they  were  by  the  English.  The  chief  cause, 
too,  of  this  superiority,  was  a  matter  of  wonder.  No 
Indian  had  ever  before  seen  any  thing  which  resembled, 
in  form  or  effect,  the  fire-arms  of  their  strange  enemy. 
For  some  time,  therefore,  their  fear  was  attended  with 
a  superstition  against  which  no  courage  could  prevail. 
But  Powhatan  was  not  long  in  determining  at  all 
events  to  put  himself  on  equal  terms  with  the  colo- 
nists, whatever  might  be  the  hazard ;  and  from  that 
moment  he  spared  no  efforts  to  effect  his  purpose.  On 
Newport's  departure  for  England,  he  bargained  away 
from  him  twenty  swords  for  twenty  turkeys.  He  at- 
tempted the  same  trade  with  Smith ;  and  when  the  lat- 
ter shrewdly  declined  it,  his  eagerness  became  such, 
we  are  told,  "  that  at  last  by  ambuscadoes  at  our  very 
gates  they  [the  Powhatans]  would  take  them  per 
force,  surprise  vs  at  worke,  or  any  way/'  Some  of 
these  troublesome  fellows  being  seized  and  threatened, 
they  confessed  that  the  emperor  had  ordered  them  to 
get  possession  of  the  English  arms,  or  at  least  some  of 
them,  cost  what  it  might. 

He  availed  himself,  with  great  ingenuity,  of  a  dis- 
position among  some  of  the  colonists  to  trade  privately 
in  these  contraband  articles ;  and  in  that  way  obtained 
large  quantities  of  shot,  powder  and  pike-heads.  So, 
upon  Smith's  departure  for  the  settlement,  after  his 


52  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

famous  visit,  in  December,  1608,  he  artfully  requested 
the  captain  "  to  leaue  him  Edward  Brynton  to  kille  him 
foule,  and  the  Dutchmen  to  -finish  his  house."  This 
house,  we  have  seen,  was  abandoned ;  and  as  for  fowl, 
the  idea  of  employing  an  Englishman  to  hunt  for  his 
Powhatans  was  absurd.  He  had  no  objection,  how- 
ever, to  Brynton's  gun  or  his  martial  services.  The 
Germans  he  was  probably  sure  of  already.  They 
proved  traitors  to  the  colony,  and  soon  after  we  find 
them  diligently  engaged  in  arming  and  instructing  the 
savages.  One  of  them  subsequently  stated,  that  the 
emperor  kept  them  at  work  for  him  in  duresse.  He 
himself  sent  answer  to  Smith's  demand  for  them,  that 
they  were  at  liberty  to  go  if  they  chose — but  as  for 
carrying  them  fifty  miles  on  his  back,  he  was  not  able. 
The  adroitness  with  which  he  obtained  arms  at  James- 
town, during  Smith's  absence,  has  already  been  the 
subject  of  comment. 

The  implicit  obedience  which  he  exacted  of  his  own 
subjects,  notwithstanding  the  apparently  precarious 
tenure  by  which  he  held  his  command,  is  a  striking 
indication  of  the  extent  of  his  mere  personal  influence. 
"  When  he  listeth,"  says  an  old  writer,  "  his  will  is  a 
law,  and  must  be  obeyed :  not  onely  as  a  King,  but  as 
halfe  a  God,  they  esteeme  him.  What  he  commandeth 
they  dare  not  disobey  in  the  least  thing.  At  his  feete 
they  present  whatsoever  he  commandeth,  and  at  the 
least  froune  of  his  browe,  their  greatest  spirits  will 
tremble  with  feare."  This  subordination  was  sustained 
by  measures  which,  for  severity  and  courage,  would 
do  no  discredit  to  the  most  absolute  despot  of  the  east- 
ern world.  On  one  occasion,  certain  offenders  were 
burned  to  death  in  the  midst  of  an  immense  heap  of 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  53 

glowing  coals,  collected  from  many  fires  made  for  the 
purpose.  A  more  merciful  punishment  was  by  brain- 
ing the  criminal  with  a  club,  as  Smith  was  to  have  been 
sacrificed.  The  most  horrible  was  fastening  the  poor 
wretch  to  a  tree,  breaking  his  joints  one  by  one,  and 
then  whittling  down  the  body  with  reeds  and  shells. 
Thrashing  with  cudgels  was  no  trifle.  Smith  says  he 
saw  a  man  subjected  to  this  discipline  under  the  hands 
of  two  of  his  practised  countrymen,  till  he  fell  pros- 
trate and  senseless ;  but  he  uttered  no  cry  or  complaint. 

The  extraordinary  native  shrewdness  of  Powhatan 
was  abundantly  manifested  in  the  amusing  advantages 
he  obtained  over  Newport;  his  long  and  artful  conver- 
sations with  Smith,  some  of  them  sustained  under  the 
most  embarrassing  circumstances,  merely  to  procure 
time ;  the  promptness  with  which  he  rejected  and  de- 
feated the  proposal  to  make  common  cause  against  the 
Monacans — a  bait,  as  he  expressed  it,  too  foolish  to  be 
taken ;  and,  in  fine,  upon  every  occasion  when  the  Eng- 
lish undertook  to  negotiate  or  to  argue  with  him.  He 
availed  himself  most  essentially  of  the  aid  of  the  Ger- 
man deserters  heretofore  mentioned,  but  he  had  too 
much  sagacity  to  trust  them  after  they  deserted  him- 
self; and  so,  when  two  of  them  fled  to  him  a  second 
time,  with  proposals  for  delivering  his  great  rival,  Cap- 
tain Smith,  into  his  hands,  he  only  observed,  that  men 
who  betrayed  the  captain  would  betray  the  emperor, 
and  forthwith  ordered  the  scoundrels  to  be  brained 
upon  the  spot. 

Powhatan,  like  many  others  of  his  race,  has  been 
regarded  with  prejudice  for  the  very  reasons  which 
entitle  him  to  respect.  He  was  a  troublesome  enemy 
to  the  colonists.  His  hostile  influence  extended  for 


54  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

hundreds  of  miles  around  them ;  cutting  off  commerce 
with  the  natives  in  the  first  place,  and  making  inveter- 
ate enemies  of  them  in  the  next.  Powhatan,  we  are 
told,  "  still  as  he  found  means  cut  off  their  boats,  and 
denied  them  trade ;"  and  again,  "  as  for  corne,  contri- 
bution and  provision  from  the  salvages,  we  had  noth- 
ing but  mortall  wounds,  with  clubs  and  arrowes." 
Here,  too,  we  find  the  emperor  availing  himself  of  the 
disasters  and  despairs  of  the  colony,  to  procure  swords, 
muskets  and  ammunition — so  reckless  had  the  colo- 
nists become  through  famine. 

Still,  it  does  not  appear,  that  Powhatan  adopted 
any  policy  but  such  as  he  believed  indispensable  to 
the  welfare,  not  to  say  the  existence,  of  his  sovereign 
dominions.  His  warfare  was  an  Indian  warfare,  in- 
deed. But  setting  aside  those  circumstances  of  edu- 
cation and  of  situation  which  rendered  this  a  matter 
both  of  pride  and  necessity,  it  may  be  safely  said,  that 
he  but  followed  the  example  of  those  who  should  have 
known  better.  Not  only  did  he  act  generally  in  self- 
defence  against  what  he  deemed  the  usurpation  of  a 
foreign  and  unknown  people,  who  had  settled  without 
permission  upon  his  shores ;  but  he  was  galled  and  pro- 
voked by  peculiar  provocations  in  numerous  instances. 
The  mere  liberty  of  taking  possession  of  a  part  of  his 
territory  might  have  been  overlooked.  Probably  it 
was  so.  In  the  earliest  days  of  the  settlement,  when 
nothing  could  be  easier  for  Powhatan  than  to  extin- 
guish it  at  a  single  assault,  it  is  acknowledged  that  his 
people  often  visited  the  English  and  treated  them  with 
kindness.  Not  long  afterwards,  indeed,  they  commit- 
ted some  trespasses,  but  meanwhile  a  party  of  the  Eng- 
lish had  invaded  the  interior  of  the  country.  Consid- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  55 

ering  the  dissolute  and  unprincipled  character  of  a 
large  part  of  them,  it  is  not  improbable  that  still 
greater  freedom  was  exercised  with  the  Indians ;  such 
of  course  as  the  historians  would  be  likely  neither  to 
record  nor  to  know.  And  yet  Smith  himself  has  told 
enough — of  himself — to  make  this  point  clear.  In  his 
very  first  expedition  after  corn,  seeing,  he  says,  "  that 
by  trade  and  courtesie  nothing  was  to  be  had,  he  made 
bold  to  try  such  conclusions  as  necessitie  inforced"  He  let 
fly  a  volley  of  musketry,  ran  his  boats  ashore,  skir- 
mished with  the  natives,  and  forcibly  obtained  a  supply 
of  provisions.  And  thus — adds  the  scrupulous  cap- 
tain— 

"  Thus  God  vnboundlesse  by  his  power 
Made  them  so  kinde  would  vs  devour. " 

It  was  nothing  to  the  emperor,  or  to  his  subjects, 
that  Smith  went  beyond  his  authority  in  these  matters. 
"  The  patient  councill  " — he  writes  in  another  con- 
nexion— "  that  nothing  would  moue  to  warre  with  the 
saluages,  would  gladly  have  wrangled  with  Captaine 
Smithe  for  his  crueltie."  He  adds,  that  his  proceedings 
— his  conclusions,  is  his  own  language — had  inspired  the 
natives  with  such  fear,  that  his  very  name  was  a  ter- 
ror. No  wonder  that  he  sometimes  had  peace  and  war 
twice  in  a  day.  No  wonder  that  scarcely  a  week  passed 
without  some  villany  or  other.  Again,  when  the 
Chickahominies  refused  to  trade,  the  President,  "per- 
ceiving [supposing]  it  was  Powhatan's  policy  to  starve 
him,"  landed  his  company  forthwith,  and  made  such  a 
show  of  anger  and  ammunition  that  the  poor  savages 
presently  brought  in  all  their  provisions. 

So  we  are  summarily  informed  in  Mr.  Hamer's  re- 
lation, that  about  Christmas  (1611)  "  in  regard  of  the 


56  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

iniurie  done  vs  by  them  of  Apamatuk,  Sir  Thomas 
Dale,  without  the  losse  of  any  except  some  few  Sal- 
vages" took  possession  of  the  territory  and  provision 
of  the  tribe,  made  a  settlement  upon  the  former  with- 
out ceremony,  and  called  it  New  Bermudas!  One 
more  illustration  must  suffice.  It  is  a  passage  of 
Smith's  history  relating  to  a  detachment  of  vagabonds, 
under  the  command  of  one  West,  who  left  Jamestown, 
and  located  themselves  not  far  from  Powhatan's  resi- 
dence at  the  falls  of  the  river.  "  But  the  worst  was, 
that  the  poore  Salvages  that  daily  brought  in  their 
contributions  to  the  President,  that  disorderly  com- 
pany so  tormented  these  poore  soules,  by  stealing 
their  corne,  robbing  their  gardens,  beating  them, 
breaking  their  houses,  and  keeping  some  prisoners, 
that  they  daily  complained  to  Captaine  Smith  he  had 
brought  them  for  Protectors  worse  enemies  than  the 
Monacans  themselves,  which  though  till  then  for  his 
love  they  had  endured,  they  desired  pardon  if  hereafter 
they  defended  themselves — since  he  would  not  correct 
them  as  they  had  long  expected  he  would/'  A  most 
reasonable  determination,  civilly  and  candidly  ex- 
pressed. 

But,  whatever  may  be  said  of  the  motives  or 
method  of  the  warfare  of  Powhatan,  it  must  be  ac- 
knowledged that  his  character  appears  to  no  disadvan- 
tage in  peace.  We  cannot  but  admire  the  Roman  dig- 
nity with  which  he  rejected  all  offers  of  compromise, 
so  long  as  the  English  seemed  disposed  to  take  advan- 
tage of  their  own  wrong  in  the  violent  seizure  of  Po- 
cahontas.  They  knew  that  this  was  his  favorite  child, 
and  they  presumed  on  the  strength  of  his  attachment. 
But,  much  as  her  situation  troubled  him,  he  would  not 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  57 

sacrifice  his  honor  so  far  as  to  negotiate  for  her  restor- 
ation on  derogatory  terms.  He  was  afflicted,  but  he 
was  still  more  incensed.  When,  however,  he  ascer- 
tained, by  sending  his  sons  to  visit  her,  that  she  was 
well  treated,  and  in  good  health,  (though,  we  are  some- 
times told,  "  they  had  heard  to  the  contrairie,")  he  be- 
gan to  think  better  of  the  offers  of  peace.  Then  came 
Rolfe  "  to  acquaint  him  with  the  businesse,"  and 
kindly  he  was  entertained,  though  not  admitted  to  the 
presence  of  Powhatan.  The  young  gentleman  ex- 
plained himself,  however,  to  the  emperor's  brother; 
and  the  latter  promised  to  intercede  for  him,  as  did 
also  the  two  sons.  Their  explanations  proved  suc- 
cessful. The  emperor  was  not  only  convinced  that  his 
daughter  was  entertained  civilly  by  the  English,  but 
he  was  pleased  with  the  honorable  intentions  and 
touched  by  the  passionate  and  tender  affection  of 
Rolfe.  No  sooner,  therefore,  did  the  time  appointed 
for  the  marriage  come  to  his  knowledge — and  no  doubt 
Rolfe  had  already  had  the  politic  courtesy  to  apply  for 
his  consent — than  he  dispatched  three  members  of  his 
own  family  to  confirm  the  ceremony.  "  And  ever 
since,"  adds  the  historian,  "  we  have  had  friendly  trade 
and  commerce,  as  well  with  Powhatan  himselfe,  as  all 
his  subjects."  So  jealous  were  he  and  they  of  injus- 
tice ;  and  so  susceptible  were  they,  at  the  same  time,  of 
mild  and  magnanimous  impressions. 

We  find  characteristic  anecdotes,  to  the  same  effect, 
in  the  curious  account  Mr.  Hamer  has  left  on  record 
of  a  visit  which  he  paid  the  emperor  in  1614,  soon  after 
the  conclusion  of  peace.  After  some  conversation  upon 
business  matters,  the  visiter  was  invited  to  Powhatan's 
own  residence,  where  was  a  guard  of  two  hundred 


58  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

warriors,  which,  (as  Mr.  Hamer  supposes,)  always  at- 
tended his  person.  Having  offered  that  gentleman  a 
pipe  of  tobacco,  he  immediately  inquired  after  the 
health  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  at  that  time  President,  and 
then  of  his  own  daughter  and  her  husband ;  wishing 
to  know  especially  how  these  two  liked  each  other. 
Hamer  answered,  that  Sir  Thomas  was  perfectly  well ; 
and  as  for  Pocahontas,  she  was  so  contented,  that  she 
never  would  return  to  her  father's  court  again  if  she 
could.  Powhatan  laughed  heartily  at  this  reply,  and 
soon  after  asked  the  particular  cause  of  Mr.  Hamer's 
present  visit.  On  being  told  it  was  private,  he  ordered 
his  attendants  to  leave  the  house  excepting  only  the 
two  females — said  to  have  been  Indian  queens — who 
always  sat  by  him,  and  then  bade  Mr.  Hamer  proceed 
with  his  message. 

The  latter  began  with  saying,  that  he  was  the 
bearer  of  sundry  presents  from  Sir  Thomas  Dale, 
which  were  delivered  accordingly,  much  to  the  em- 
peror's satisfaction.  He  then  added,  that  Sir  Thomas, 
hearing  of  the  fame  of  the  emperor's  youngest  daugh- 
ter, was  desirous  of  obtaining  her  hand  in  marriage. 
He  conceived,  there  could  not  be  a  finer  bond  of  union 
between  the  two  people,  than  such  a  connexion ;  and 
besides,  her  sister  Pocahontas  was  exceedingly  anx- 
ious to  see  her  at  Jamestown.  He  hoped  that  Pow- 
hatan would  at  least  oblige  himself  so  much,  as  to  suf- 
fer her  to  visit  the  colony  when  he  should  return. 

Powhatan  more  than  once  came  very  near  inter- 
rupting the  delivery  of  this  message.  But  he  controlled 
himself,  and  replied  with  great  gravity  to  the  effect, 
that  he  gladly  accepted  the  President's  salutation  of 
love  and  peace,  which  he  certainly  should  cherish  so 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  59 

long  as  he  lived;  that  he  received  with  many  thanks 
the  presents  sent  him  as  pledges  thereof;  but  that,  as 
for  his  daughter,  he  had  sold  her,  only  a  few  days  be- 
fore, to  a  great  Werowance,  living  at  the  distance  of 
three  days'  journey,  for  three  bushels  of  Rawrenoke 
[Roanoke].  Hamer  took  the  liberty  to  rejoin,  that  a 
prince  of  his  greatness  might  no  doubt  recall  his 
daughter,  if  he  would — especially  as  she  was  only 
twelve  years  of  age — and  that  in  such  a  case  he  should 
receive  for  her  from  the  President,  three  times  the 
worth  of  the  Roanoke,  in  beads,  copper  and  hatchets. 
To  this  Powhatan  readily  rejoined,  that  he  loved 
his  daughter  as  his  life;  and  though  he  had  many 
children,  he  delighted  in  her  most  of  all.  He  could  not 
live  without  seeing  her,  and  that  would  be  impossible 
if  she  went  among  the  colonists,  for  he  had  resolved  upon 
no  account  to  put  himself  in  their  power,  or  to  visit  them. 
He  therefore  desired  Mr.  Hamer  to  say  no  more  upon 
the  subject;  but  to  tell  the  President  in  his  name.  1. 
That  he  desired  no  other  assurance  of  the  President's 
friendship  than  his  word  which  was  already  pledged. 
He  had  himself,  on  the  other  hand,  already  given  such 
assurance  in  the  person  of  Pocahontas.  One  was  suf- 
ficient, he  thought,  at  one  time ;  when  she  died,  he  would 
substitute  another  in  her  stead.  But,  meanwhile,  he  should 
consider  it  no  brotherly  part  to  bereave  him  of  two 
children  at  once.  2.  Though  he  gave  no  pledge,  the 
President  ought  not  to  distrust  him  or  his  people. 
There  had  been  already  lives  enough  lost  on  both 
sides ;  and  by  his  fault  there  should  never  be  any  more. 
He  had  grown  old,  and  desired  to  die  peaceably.  He 
should  hardly  fight  even  for  just  cause ;  the  country 
was  wide  enough  and  he  would  rather  retreat.  "  Thus 


60  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

much/'  he  concluded,  "  I  hope  will  satisfy  my  brother. 
And  so  here,  as  you  are  weary  and  sleepy,  we  will  end." 
He  then  ordered  a  supper  and  good  lodgings  for  his 
guest,  and  the  latter  took  his  leave  for  the  night. 

Early  the  next  morning,  Powhatan  himself  visited 
Mr.  Hamer  at  his  lodging  place,  and  invited  him  to 
return  to  his  own  wigwam.  There  he  entertained 
him  in  his  handsomest  manner.  The  time  passed 
pleasantly,  and  Mr.  Hamer  began  to  feel  at  home. 
By  and  by  came  in  an  Englishman,  one  who  had  been 
surprised  in  a  skirmish  three  years  before  at  Fort 
Henry,  and  detained  ever  since.  He  was  so  complete- 
ly savage  in  his  complexion  and  dress,  that  Hamer 
only  recognized  him  by  his  voice.  He  now  asked 
that  gentleman  to  obtain  leave  for  him  to  return  with 
him  to  the  colony;  and  the  request  was  accordingly 
made,  and  even  pressed.  The  emperor  was  vexed  at 
length.  "  Mr.  Hamer,"  said  he,  "  you  have  one  of  my 
daughters,  and  I  am  content.  But  you  cannot  see  one 
of  your  men  with  me,  but  you  must  have  him  away  or 
break  friendship.  But  take  him,  if  you  will.  In  that 
case,  however,  you  must  go  home  without  guides 
[which  are  generally  offered  the  English  on  these  occa- 
sions] :  and  if  any  evil  befalls  you,  thank  yourselves." 

Hamer  replied  that  he  would  do  so ;  but  he  would 
not  answer  for  the  consequences,  if  any  accident 
should  happen.  The  emperor  was  incensed  at  this, 
and  left  him ;  but  he  appeared  again  at  suppertime, 
feasted  his  guest  with  his  best  fare,  and  conversed 
cheerfully.  About  midnight  he  roused  Hamer  from 
a  nap,  to  tell  him  he  had  concluded  to  let  Parker  (the 
captive,)  go  with  him  in  the  morning.  But  he  must 
remind  Sir  Thomas  to  send  him,  in  consideration  there- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  61 

of,  ten  large  pieces  of  copper,  a  shaving-knife,  a  grind- 
stone, a  net,  and  sundry  fish-hooks  and  other  small 
matters.  For  fear  Hamer  should  forget  these  par- 
ticulars, he  made  him  write  a  list  of  them  in  what  the 
historians  call  a  table-book,  which  he  produced.  "  How- 
ever he  got  it,"  says  the  narrator,  "  it  was  a  faire  one, 
and  I  desired  hee  would  give  it  me."  Powhatan 
evaded  this  modest  request  by  saying  that  he  kept 
it  to  show  to  strangers ;  but  when  his  guest  left  him 
in  the  morning,  he  furnished  him  and  his  attendants 
with  ample  provision  for  his  journey,  gave  each  of 
them  a  buck's-skin,  "  as  well  dressed  as  could  be," 
and  sent  two  more  to  his  son-in-law  and  his  daughter. 

There  is  much  matter  for  reflection  in  this  simple 
narrative.  The  sagacity  of  Powhatan  in  discerning 
the  true  object  of  the  visit,  is  worthy  of  the  fearless 
dignity  with  which  he  exposed  it.  He  gave  little  heed, 
it  would  seem,  to  the  pretext  of  marriage;  and  con- 
sidering only  the  age  of  his  daughter  —  especially  as 
compared  with  the  President's  —  there  was  reason 
enough  why  he  should.  His  conjectures  were  un- 
doubtedly correct,  and  he  had  some  right  to  be  offended 
at  the  jealousy  which  was  still  harbored  by  the  colo- 
nists. Stith  expressly  states,  that  the  policy  of  Sir 
Thomas  was  merely  to  obtain  an  additional  pledge  for 
the  preservation  of  peace. 

The  affection  which  Powhatan  here  manifests  for 
his  children,  his  hospitality  even  to  one  who  took 
liberties  upon  his  strength  of  it,  his  liberality,  the 
resolution  with  which  he  maintained  peace  while  he 
still  evidently  distrusted  the  English  honor,  his  ready 
evasions  and  intelligent  reasoning,  his  sensibility  to 
insult  which  he  nevertheless  thought  it  beneath  him 


62  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

to  resent,  are  all  easily  to  be  perceived  in  this  in- 
stance, and  are  well  worthy  to  be  regarded  among 
other  evidences  of  his  temper  and  genius. 

His  self  command  and  his  chivalrous  courtesy,  on 
every  former  occasion,  would  have  done  no  dishonor, 
in  another  country  and  time,  to  the  lion-hearted 
monarch  of  England  himself.  In  this  respect  he  was 
well  matched  with  Smith;  and  it  is  not  the  least  in- 
teresting point  in  the  common  history  of  the  two,  to 
observe  the  singular  union  of  suavity  and  energy 
with  which  both  effected  their  purposes.  Immediately 
after  delivering  the  celebrated  reply  which  he  sent 
to  Newport's  proposal  by  Smith,  the  historian  adds 
that,  "  many  other  discourses  they  had,  (yet  both 
content  to  give  each  other  content  in  compliment  all 
courtesies}  and  so  Captain  Smith  returned  with  his 
answer."  In  the  same  style,  when  Newport  came  him- 
self—  perceiving  his  purpose  was  to  discover  and 
invade  the  Monacans  —  we  are  told  that  he  "refused 
to  lend  them  either  men  or  guides  more  than  Noman- 
tack,  and  so  after  some  complimentall  kindnesse  on 
both  sides,"  he  presented  the  disappointed  captain 
with  seven  or  eight  bushels  of  corn,  and  wished  him  a 
pleasant  journey  to  Jamestown.  He  would  not  suffer 
so  brave  a  man  as  Smith  to  be  even  beheaded,  with- 
out having  first  ordered  two  of  his  queens  to  serve 
him  with  water  and  a  bunch  of  feathers,  and  then 
feasted  him  in  what  the  victim  himself  considered  his 
best  barbarous  manner.  It  is  very  evident  there  was 
neither  fear  nor  hypocrisy  in  any  of  these  cases. 

None  of  the  noble  traits  we  have  mentioned  lose 
any  of  their  charm  from  being  connected,  as  they  are, 
with  the  utmost  simplicity  of  barbarism.  The  reader 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  63 

of  these  times,  therefore,  may  be  allowed  to  smile 
at  the  pertinacity  with  which  this  mighty  warrior  and 
renowned  monarch  insisted  upon  Parkers  being  ran- 
somed in  fish-hooks ;  and  in  the  solemn  gravity  with 
which  he  divested  himself  of  his  mantle  and  old  shoes 
for  the  gratification  and  reward  of  Newport.  The 
presents  sent  to  him  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale  were  two 
pieces  of  copper,  five  strings  of  white  and  blue  beads, 
five  wooden  combs,  ten  fish-hooks,  and  a  pair  of  knives 
— not  to  mention  the  promise  of  a  grindstone,  whenever 
he  should  send  for  it  —  clearly  a  much  better  bargain 
for  his  daughter,  had  he  wished  to  dispose  of  her, 
than  the  two  bushels  of  Roanoke.  The  Werowances 
and  queens  of  conquered  nations  waited  upon  him  at 
his  meals  ,  as  humbly  as  certain  kings  of  the  middle 
ages  are  said  to  have  waited  upon  the  Pope ;  but  unlike 
his  Holiness,  Powhatan  could  make  his  own  robes, 
shoes,  bows,  arrows,  and  pots,  besides  planting  his 
corn  for  exercise,  and  hunting  deer  for  amusement. 
The  Indians  generally  subsisted  on  fish  in  the  spring, 
and  lived  light  for  some  months  after ;  but  "  Powhatan, 
their  great  king,  and  some  others  that  are  provident, 
rost  their  fish  and  flesh  vpon  hurdles,  and  keepe  it 
till  scarce  times." 

In  fine  it  would  seem,  that  no  candid  person  can 
read  the  history  of  this  famous  Indian,  with  an  at- 
tentive consideration  of  the  circumstances  under  which 
he  was  placed,  without  forming  a  high  estimate  of 
his  character  as  a  warrior,  a  statesman  and  a  patriot. 
His  deficiencies  were  those  of  education  and  not  of 
genius.  His  faults  were  those  of  the  people  whom  he 
governed  and  of  the  period  in  which  he  lived.  His 
great  talents,  on  the  other  hand,  were  his  own ;  and 


64  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

these  are  acknowledged  even  by  those  historians  who 
still  regard  him  with  prejudice.  Stith  calls  him  a 
prince  of  excellent  sense  and  parts,  and  a  great  master 
of  all  the  savage  arts  of  government  and  policy.  He 
adds,  that  he  was  penetrating,  crafty,  insidious  and 
cruel.  "  But  as  to  the  great  and  moral  arts  of  policy," 
he  concludes,  "  such  as  truth,  faith,  uprightness  and 
magnanimity,  they  seemed  to  have  been  but  little 
heeded  or  regarded  by  him."  Burk's  opinion  appears 
to  us  more  correct.  In  the  cant  of  civilisation,  (says 
that  excellent  historian,)  he  will  doubtless  be  branded 
with  the  epithets  of  tyrant  and  barbarian :  But  his 
title  to  greatness,  though  his  opportunities  were  fewer, 
is  to  the  full  as  fair  as  that  of  Tamerlane  or  Kowli- 
Khan,  and  several  others  whom  history  has  immor- 
talized ;  while  the  proofs  of  his  tyranny  are  by  no 
means  so  clear.  Still,  it  might  have  been  as  reasonable 
to  say,  that  there  are  no  such  proofs  in  being.  The 
kind  of  martial  law  which  the  emperor  sometimes 
exercised  over  his  own  subjects,  was  not  only  a  matter 
of  custom,  founded  on  the  necessity  which  must  al- 
ways exist  among  ignorant  men ;  but  it  was  a  matter 
of  license,  which  had  grown  into  constitutional  law, 
by  common  consent.  It  has  been  justly  observed,  that 
there  is  no  possibility  of  true  despotism  under  an 
Indian  government.  It  is  reason  that  governs, —  nom- 
inally at  least  —  and  the  authority  is  only  the  more 
effectual  as  the  obedience  is  more  voluntary. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  family  of  Powhatan. — His  successor. — Sequel  of  the  history  of  Poca- 
hontas. — Her  acts  of  kindness  to  the  colonists  at  various  times,  and 
especially  to  Smith. — His  gratitude. — Her  civilisation,  and  instruction 
in  Christianity. — Her  visit  to  England  in  1616. — Reception  at  Court. — 
Interview  with  Smith. — His  memorial  respecting  her  to  Queen  Anne. — 
Her  death  and  character. — Her  descendants. 

THE  family  of  Powhatan  was  numerous  and  in- 
fluential. Two  sons  and  two  daughters  have 
already  been  mentioned.  There  were  also 
three  brothers  younger  than  himself;  and  upon  them 
successively,  according  to  their  several  ages,  custom 
seems  to  have  acquired  that  the  government  should 
devolve  after  his  own  death.  The  eldest,  Opitchipan, 
accordingly  succeeded  him,  in  form  at  least.  But  this 
prince  was  an  inactive  and  unambitious  man  —  owing 
in  some  degree  perhaps  to  his  being  decrepid ;  and  he 
was  soon  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the  superior 
energy  and  talent  of  Opechancanough,  who  before 
many  years  engrossed  in  fact  the  whole  power  of  the 
government.  Of  the  younger  brother,  Kekataugh, 
scarcely  anything  is  known.  He  probably  died  before 
any  opportunity  occurred  of  signalizing  himself  in 
a  public  station.  The  sequel  of  the  history  of  Opec- 
hancanough is  well  worthy  of  being  dwelt  upon  at  some 

M.  of  H.  —XXX— 5  (65) 


66  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

length :  but  previously,  the  order  of  time  requires  us 
to  devote  a  share  of  attention  to  the  fortunes  of  his 
celebrated  niece,  Pocahontas. 

This  beautiful  and  amiable  woman,  whom  John 
Smith,  in  the  excess  of  his  admiration,  styles  "  the 
Numpariel  of  Virginia,"  has  been  distinguished  in 
modern  times,  chiefly,  by  that  single  extraordinary 
act  of  courage  and  humanity  to  which  the  gallant 
historian  was  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  his  life. 
But  this  was  by  no  means  the  only  evidence  of  these 
noble  qaulities  which  history  has  preserved.  Her 
name  indeed  is  scarcely  once  mentioned  by  the  most 
ancient  chronicles  of  the  colony,  except  in  terms  of 
high  eulogy,  and  generally  in  connexion  also  with  some 
substantial  facts  going  strongly  to  justify  the  uni- 
versal partiality  with  which  her  memory  is  regarded 
to  these  times. 

In  the  earliest  and  most  gloomy  days  of  the  settle- 
ment, immediately  after  Smith's  return  from  his  cap- 
tivity, the  liberal  and  thoughtful  kindness  of  Poca- 
hontas went  very  far  to  cheer  the  desponding  hearts 
of  the  colonists,  as  well  as  to  relieve  their  actual 
necessities.  She  came  to  Jamestown  with  her  attend- 
ants once  in  every  four  or  five  days,  for  a  long  time; 
and  brought  with  her  supplies  of  provisions,  by  which 
many  lives  are  stated  to  have  been  saved.  This  will 
appear  more  fully  from  an  ancient  document  which 
we  shall  hereafter  transcribe  at  length. 

When  Smith  was  absent  upon  one  of  his  Indian 
expeditions,  emergencies  occurred  at  Jamestown  which 
rendered  his  presence  extremely  desirable.  But  not 
a  man  could  be  found  who  dared  venture  to  carry  a 
message  to  him  from  the  council.  He  was  known  to 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  67 

be  environed  by  enemies,  and  the  hostility  and  power 
of  Powhatan  were  at  that  period  subjects  of  the  most 
exaggerated  apprehension.  One  Richard  Wyffin  at 
last  undertook  the  hazardous  enterprise.  Encounter- 
ing many  dangers  and  difficulties,  he  reached  the  resi- 
dence of  Powhatan,  a  day  or  two  after  Smith  had  left 
it  for  Pamunkey.  He  found  that  great  preparations 
for  war  were  going  on  among  the  Powhatans ;  and 
he  soon  became  himself  the  object  of  suspicion.  His 
life  undoubtedly  would  have  paid  the  forfeit  of  his 
rashness,  had  not  Pocahontas,  who  knew  his  peril- 
ous situation  even  better  than  himself,  concealed  him, 
and  thwarted  and  embarassed  the  search  of  the  savages 
who  pursued  him,  so  that  "  by  her  means  and  extra- 
ordinary bribes  and  much  trouble  in  three  days  travell," 
as  history  says,  "  at  length  he  found  vs  in  the  mid- 
dest  of  these  turmoyles,"  (at  Jamestown). 

Her  conduct  was  the  same  after  Smith's  departure 
for  England.  Of  the  thirty  men  who  accompanied 
RatclifTe  when  he  was  massacred  by  the  Indians,  only 
one  escaped  to  the  colony,  and  one  was  rescued  by 
Pocahontas.  This  was  a  boy  named  Henry  Spilman, 
who  subsequently  was  restored  to  his  friends,  and 
from  the  knowledge  of  Indian  languages  which  he 
obtained  during  his  residence  with  the  Patowomekes 
proved  highly  serviceable  as  an  interpreter.  Smith 
himself  was  more  than  once  under  obligations  to  the 
princess  for  his  personal  safety.  We  have  alluded 
to  that  occasion  when  he  quartered,  over  night,  near 
the  residence  of  her  father.  "  Pocahontas,  his  dearest 
Jewell  and  daughter  in  that  darke  night  came  through 
the  irksome  woods,  and  told  our  Captaine  great  cheare 
should  be  sent  by  vs  by  and  by ;  but  Powhatan  and  all 


68  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  power  he  could  make,  would  after  come  kill  vs 
all,  if  they  that  brought  it  could  not  kill  vs  with  our 
owne  weapons,  when  we  were  at  supper.  Therefore 
if  we  would  Hue,  she  wished  vs  presently  to  be  gone. 
Such  things  as  she  delighted  in,  he  would  haue  giuen 
her;  but  with  teares  running  downe  her  cheekes, 
she  said  she  durst  not  be  seen  to  haue  any,  for  if  Pow- 
hatan  should  know  it,  she  were  but  dead,  and  so  she 
ran  away  by  herself  as  she  came/'  What  an  affect- 
ing instance  of  the  most  delicate  tenderness  mingled 
with  the  loftiest  courage. 

It  would  have  been  strange  indeed,  if  Smith,  with 
all  his  passionate  chivalry,  had  been  insensible  to 
these  repeated  kindnesses.  Even  Powhatan  had  too 
good  an  opinion  of  him  to  suppose  so,  for  he  had 
the  sagacity  to  rely  upon  his  gratitude  for  political 
purposes.  When  some  of  the  emperor's  subjects  were 
taken  prisoners  by  Smith,  (although  peace  was  nomi- 
nally existing,)  and  forced  to  confess  that  Powhatan 
had  employed  them  to  work  mischief  against  the 
colony,  the  latter  "  sent  messengers,  and  his  dearest 
daughter  Pocahontas"  with  presents,  to  make  apologies 
for  the  past,  and  promises  for  the  future.  Smith,  on 
the  other  hand,  (who  understood  as  well  as  any  one, 
the  part  of  a  gentleman,)  after  giving  the  prisoners 
such  corrections  as  he  deemed  necessary,  treated  them 
well  for  a  day  or  two,  and  then  delivered  them  to  Poca- 
hontas, "  for  whose  sake  onely  he  fayned  to  haue  saued 
their  Hues,  and  gaue  them  libertie."  The  emperor  was 
paid  for  the  ingenuity  in  his  own  coin,  when  the 
colonists,  in  1613,  took  the  princess  herself  captive, 
relying  on  the  well-known  strength  of  his  attachment 
to  her,  as  the  surest  means  of  procuring  peace. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  69 

Her  subsequent  history  may  soon  be  told.  Rolfe 
had  become  ardently  enamoured  of  her  beauty,  and 
he  used  the  fortunate  occasion  of  her  stay  in  the  colony 
—  perhaps  was  active  in  bringing  it  on  —  to  procure 
the  intercession  of  the  President  in  his  behalf.  Poca- 
hontas  cherished  similar  feelings  towards  himself,  and 
when  the  brothers  came  to  visit  her  she  made  one  of 
them  her  confidant.  Rolfe  gained  information  of  her 
sentiments,  and  thus  was  emboldened  to  prosecute 
his  suit  with  a  spirit  worthy  of  the  success  which  it 
met  with.  The  parties  married.  In  the  course  of  a 
year  or  two,  the  young  bride  became  quite  an  adept 
in  the  English  language  and  manners,  and  was  well 
instructed  in  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  She  was 
entitled  by  her  new  acquaintances  the  Lady  Rebecca. 

in  1616,  she  and  her  husband  accompanied  Sir 
Thomas  Dale  to  England.  King  James,  (that  anointed 
pedant,  as  Stith  calls  him,)  is  said  to  have  been  of- 
fended with  Rolfe  for  his  presumption  in  marrying  the 
daughter  of  a  king — a  crowned  head,  too,  it  will  be 
recollected. — He  might  have  thought,  perhaps,  follow- 
ing up  his  own  principles,  that  the  offspring  of  the 
marriage  would  be  fairly  entitled  to  succeed  Powhatan 
in  his  dominion.  But  the  affair  passed  off,  with  some 
little  murmuring ;  and  Pocahontas  herself  was  received 
at  Court,  by  both  the  King  and  Queen,  with  the  most 
flattering  marks  of  attention.  Lord  de  la  War,  and  his 
lady,  and  many  other  courtiers  of  rank,  followed  the 
royal  example.  The  princess  was  gratified  by  the  kind- 
ness shown  to  her;  and  those  who  entertained  her,  on 
ths  other  hand,  were  unanimously  of  opinion,  as  Smith 
expresses  himself,  that  they  had  seen  many  English 
ladies  worse-favored,  proportioned  and  behaviored. 


70  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

The  captain  was  at  this  time  in  England ;  and  al- 
though upon  the  eve  of  leaving  that  country  on  a  voy- 
age to  New  England,  he  delayed  his  departure  for  the 
purpose  of  using  every  possible  means  in  his  power  of 
introducing  the  princess  to  advantage.  A  memorial 
which  he  draughted  with  his  own  hand,  and  sent  in  to 
the  Queen,  is  supposed  to  have  had  no  little  influence 
at  Court.  It  is  well  worth  transcribing,  both  as  a  curi- 
osity of  style,  and  as  a  document  of  authentic  history. 
It  reads  thus : 

"  To  the  most  high  and  vertuous  Princess  Queene 
Anne  of  Great  Britain. 

Most  admired  Queene, 

The  loue  I  beare  my  God,  my  King  and  Countrie 
hath  so  oft  emboldened  mee  in  the  worst  of  extreme 
danger,  that  now  honestie  doth  constraine  mee  pre- 
sume thus  farre  beyond  myselfe,  to  present  your  Ma- 
iestie  this  short  discourse.  If  ingratitude  be  a  deadly 
poyson  to  all  honest  vertues,  I  must  be  guiltie  of  that 
crime  if  I  should  omit  any  meanes  to  be  thankful.  So 
it  is, 

That  some  ten  yeeres  agoe,  being  in  Virginia,  and 
taken  prisoner  by  the  power  of  Powhatan  their  chiefe 
King,  I  received  from  this  great  Salvage  exceeding 
great  courtesie,  especially  from  his  sonne  Nantaguans, 
the  most  manliest,  comliest,  boldest  spirit  I  euer  saw 
in  a  salvage;  and  his  sister  Pocahontas,  the  King's 
most  deare  and  well-beloued  daughter,  being  but  a 
childe  of  twelue  or  thirteene  yeeres  of  age,  whose  com- 
passionate pitifull  heart,  of  desperate  estate,  gaue  mee 
much  cause  to  respect  her;  I  being  the  first  Christian 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  71 

this  proud  King  and  his  grim  attendants  euer  saw ;  and 
thus  inthralled  in  their  barbarous  power,  I  cannot  say 
I  felt  the  least  occasion  of  want  that  was  in  the  power 
of  those  my  mortall  foes  to  preuent,  notwithstanding 
all  their  threats. 

After  some  sixe  weeks  fatting  among  these  Sal- 
vage Courtiers,  at  the  minute  of  my  execution,  she  haz- 
arded the  beating  out  of  her  owne  brains  to  saue 
mine,  but  not  onely  that,  but  so  preuailed  with  her 
father,  that  I  was  safely  conducted  to  lames-towne, 
where  I  found  about  eight  and  thirtie  miserable  poore 
and  sicke  creatures,  to  keepe  possession  of  al  those 
large  territories  of  Virginia ;  such  was  the  weaknesse 
of  this  poore  commonwealth,  as  had  the  salvages  not 
fed  us,  we  directly  had  starued. 

And  this  reliefe,  most  Gracious  Queene,  was  com- 
monly brought  vs  by  this  Lady  Pocahontas.  Notwith- 
standing al  these  passages,  when  inconstant  fortune, 
turned  our  peace  to  warre,  this  tender  virgin  would 
still  not  spare  to  dare  to  visit  vs,  and  by  her  our  iarres 
haue  been  oft  appeased,  and  our  wants  still  supplyed. 
Were  it  the  policie  of  her  father  thus  to  imploy  her, 
or  the  ordinance  of  God  thus  to  make  her  his  instru- 
ment, or  her  extraordinarie  affection  to  our  nation  I 
know  not.  But  of  this  I  am  sure;  when  her  father, 
with  the  utmost  of  his  policie  and  power,  sought  to 
surprise  mee,  hauing  but  eighteene  with  mee,  the  darke 
night  could  not  affright  her  from  coming  through  the 
irkesome  woods,  and  with  watered  eies  gaue  me  intel- 
ligence, with  her  best  aduice,  to  escape  his  furie ;  which 
had  hee  knowne,  he  had  surely  slaine  her. 

lames-toune,  with  her  wild  traine,  she  as  freely 
frequented  as  her  father's  habitation;  and  during  the 


72  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

time  of  two  or  three  yeeres,  she  next  under  God  was 
still  the  instrument  to  preserve  this  colonie  from  death, 
famine  and  utter  confusion,  which  if  in  those  times  had 
once  been  disouled,  Virginia  might  haue  line  as  it  was 
at  our  first  arrivall  to  this  day. 

Since  then,  this  businesse  hauing  beene  turned  and 
varied  by  many  accidents  from  that  I  left  it  at,  it  is 
most  certaine,  after  a  long  and  troublesome  warre  after 
my  departure,  betwixt  her  father  and  our  colonie,  at 
which  time  shee  was  not  heard  off,  about  two  yeeres 
after  she  her  selfe  was  taken  prisoner.  Being  so  de- 
tained neere  two  yeeres  longer,  the  colonie  by  that 
means  was  relieued,  peace  concluded  and  at  last  re- 
iecting  her  barbarous  condition,  shee  was  married  to 
an  English  gentleman,  with  whom  at  this  present  shee 
is  in  England ;  the  first  Christian  euer  of  that  nation, 
the  first  Virginian  euer  spoke  English,  or  had  a  child 
in  marriage  by  an  Englishman.  A  matter  surely,  if 
my  meaning  bee  truly  considered  and  well  vnderstood, 
worthy  a  Prince's  vnderstanding. 

Thus,  most  Gracious  Lady,  I  have  related  to  your 
Maiestie,  what  at  your  best  leasure  our  approued  His- 
tories will  account  you  at  large,  and  done  in  the  time  of 
your  Maiestie's  life;  and  haweuer  this  might  bee  pre- 
sented you  from  a  more  worthy  pen,  it  cannot  from  a 
more  honest  heart.  As  yet  I  neuer  begged  any  thing  of 
the  state,  or  any,  and  it  is  my  want  of  abilitie  and  her 
exceeding  desert,  your  birth  meanes  and  authentic, 
her  birth,  vertue,  want  and  simplicitie,  doth  make  mee 
thus  bold,  humbly  to  beseech  your  Maiestie  to  take 
this  knowledge  of  her,  though  it  bee  from  one  so  vn- 
worthy  to  be  the  reporter  as  my  selfe,  her  husband's 
estate  not  being  able  to  make  her  fit  to  attend  your 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  73 

Maiestie.  The  most  and  least  I  can  doe  is  to  tell  you 
this,  because  none  so  oft  hath  tried  it  as  my  selfe ;  and 
the  rather  being  of  so  great  a  spirit,  howeuer  her 
stature. 

If  shee  should  not  be  well  recieued,  seeing  this 
kingdom  may  rightly  haue  a  kingdom  by  her  meanes, 
her  present  loue  to  vs  and  christianitie  might  turne 
to  such  scorne  and  furie,  as  to  diuert  al  this  good  to 
the  worst  of  euill ;  where  [whereas]  rinding  so  great 
a  Queene  should  doe  her  some  honor  more  than  she 
can  imagine,  for  being  so  kinde  to  your  seruants  and 
subjects,  would  so  rauish  her  with  content,  as  endeare 
her  dearest  blood  to  effect  that  your  Maiestie  and  al 
the  King's  honest  subjects  most  earnestly  desire.  And 
so  I  humbly  kisse  your  gracious  hands." 

The  final  interview  between  the  gallant  and  gen- 
erous writer  of  this  memorial  and  the  princess  who 
was  the  subject  of  it,  is  an  occasion  too  interesting  to 
be  passed  over  without  notice.  She  had  been  told  that 
Smith,  whom  she  had  not  seen  for  many  years,  was 
dead ;  but  why  this  information  was  given  her,  does 
not  appear.  Perhaps  it  was  to  make  his  appearance 
the  more  gratifying.  Possibly,  Master  Rolfe,  in  the 
heat  of  his  passion,  during  the  critical  period  of  court- 
ship had  deemed  it  advisable  and  justifiable  to  answer 
to  this  effect,  the  anxious  inquiries  she  would  natur- 
ally make  after  Smith,  especially  during  her  confine- 
ment at  Jamestown.  But  whatever  the  reason  was, 
the  shock  of  the  first  meeting  had  nearly  overwhelmed 
her.  She  was  staying  at  Brentford,  after  her  visit  to 
London,  having  retired  thither  to  avoid  the  noise  and 
smoke  of  the  metropolis,  which  she  was  far  from  en- 
joying. Smith  was  announced,  and  soon  after  made 


74  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

his  appearance.  She  saluted  him — modest1/,  he  says 
himself;  and  coolly,  according  to  some  other  writers 
— and  then  turning  away  from  him,  she  covered  her 
face,  and  seemed  to  be  too  much  discomposed  for  con- 
versation. 

Undoubtedly  she  was  deeply  affected  with  a  mul- 
titude of  conflicting  emotions,  not  the  least  of  which 
was  a  just  indignation  on  account  of  the  imposition 
which  the  English  had  practised  upon  her.  For  two 
or  three  hours  she  was  left  to  her  own  meditations. 
At  the  end  of  that  time,  after  much  entreaty,  she  was 
prevailed  upon  to  converse ;  and  this  point  once  gained, 
the  politeness  and  kindness  of  her  visitant  and  her 
own  sweetness  of  disposition,  soon  renewed  her  usual 
vivacity. 

In  the  course  of  her  remarks  she  called  Smith  her 
Father.  That  appellation,  as  bestowed  by  a  King's 
daughter,  was  too  much  for  the  captain's  modesty,  and 
he  informed  her  to  that  effect.  But  she  could  not  un- 
derstand his  reasoning  upon  the  subject.  "Ah!"  she 
said — after  recounting  some  of  the  ancient  courtesies 
which  had  passed  between  them — "  you  did  promise 
Powhatan  that  what  was  yours  should  be  his,  and  hee 
the  like  to  you."  You  called  him  Father,  being  in  his 
land  a  stranger;  and  by  the  same  reasons  so  must  I 
doe  you."  Smith  still  expressed  himself  unworthy 
of  that  distinction,  and  she  went  on.  "  Were  you  not 
afraid  to  come  into  my  father's  countrie,  and  caused 
feare  in  him  and  all  his  people — but  mee — and  fear  you 
I  should  here  call  you  father?  I  tell  you  then  I  will] 
and  you  must  call  mee  childe,  and  then  I  will  bee  for- 
euer  and  euer  your  country-woman."  She  assured 
Smith,  that  she  had  been  made  to  believe  that  he  was 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  75 

dead,  and  that  Powhatan  himself  shared  in  that  delu- 
sion. To  ascertain  the  fact,  however,  to  a  certainty, 
that  crafty  barbarian  had  directed  an  Indian,  who  at- 
tended her  to  England,  to  make  special  inquiries.  This 
was  Tomocomo,  one  of  the  emperor's  chief  counsel- 
lors, and  the  husband  of  his  daughter  Matachanna — 
perhaps  the  same  who  had  been  demanded  in  marriage 
by  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  in  1614. 

It  is  the  last  and  saddest  office  of  history  to  record 
the  death  of  this  incomparable  woman,  in  about  the 
two-and-twentieth  year  of  her  age.  This  event  took 
place  at  Gravesend,  where  she  was  preparing  to  em- 
bark for  Virginia,  with  her  husband,  and  the  child 
mentioned  in  Smith's  memorial.  They  were  to  have 
gone  out  with  Captain  Argall,  who  sailed  early  in 
1617 ;  and  the  treasurer  and  council  of  the  colony  had 
made  suitable  accommodations  for  them  on  board  the 
admiral-ship.  But,  in  the  language  of  Smith,  it  pleased 
God  to  take  this  young  lady  to  his  mercy.  He  adds, 
that  she  made  no  more  sorrow  for  her  unexpected 
death,  than  joy  to  the  beholders  to  hear  and  see  her 
make  so  religious  and  godly  an  end.  Stith  also  re- 
cords that  she  died,  as  she  had  long  lived,  a  most  sin- 
cere and  pious  Christian.  The  expression  of  a  later 
historian  is,  that  her  death  was  a  happy  mixture  of 
-Indian  fortitude  and  Christian  submission,  affecting 
all  those  who  saw  her  by  the  lively  and  edifying  pic- 
ture of  piety  and  virtue,  which  marked  her  later  mo- 
ments. 

The  same  philosophic  writer,  in  his  general  obser- 
vations upon  the  character  of  Pocahontas,  has  justly 
remarked,  that,  considering  .all  concurrent  circum- 
stances, it  is  not  surpassed  by  any  in  the  whole  range 


76  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

of  history ;  and  that  for  those  qualities  more  especially 
which  do  honor  to  our  nature — a  humane  and  feeling 
heart,  an  ardor  and  unshaken  constancy  in  her  attach- 
ments— she  stands  almost  without  a  rival.  She  gave 
evidence,  indeed,  of  possessing  in  a  high  degree  every 
attribute  of  mind  and  heart,  which  should  be  and  has 
been  the  ornament  and  pride  of  civilized  woman  in  all 
countries  and  times.  Her  unwearied  kindness  to  the 
English  was  entirely  disinterested ;  she  knew  that  it 
must  be  so  when  she  encountered  danger  and  weari- 
ness, and  every  kind  of  opposition  and  difficulty,  to 
bestow  it,  seasonably,  on  the  objects  of  her  noble  be- 
nevolence. It  was  delicate,  too,  in  the  mode  of  bestow- 
ment.  No  favor  was  expected  in  return  for  it,  and  yet 
no  sense  of  obligation  was  permitted  to  mar  the  pleas- 
ure which  it  gave.  She  asked  nothing  of  Smith  in 
recompense  for  whatever  she  had  done,  but  the  boon  of 
being  looked  upon  as  his  child.  Of  her  character  as 
a  princess,  evidence  enough  has  already  been  fur- 
nished. Her  dignity,  her  energy,  her  independence, 
and  the  dauntless  courage  which  never  deserted  her 
for  a  moment,  were  worthy  of  Powhatan's  daughter. 

Indeed,  it  has  been  truly  said  that,  well  authenti- 
cated as  is  the  history  of  Pocahontas,  there  is  ground 
for  apprehension  that  posterity  will  be  disposed  to  re- 
gard her  story  as  a  romance.  "  It  is  not  even  improb- 
able," says  Burk,  "  that  considering  every  thing  relat- 
ing to  herself  and  Smith  as  a  mere  fiction,  they  may 
vent  their  spleen  against  the  historian  for  impairing 
the  interest  of  his  plot  by  marrying  the  princess  of 
Powhatan  to  a  Mr.  Rolfe,  of  whom  nothing  had  been 
previously  said,  in  defiance  of  all  the  expectations 
raised  by  the  foregoing  parts  of  the  fable." 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  77 

Young  Rolfe,  her  only  offspring  was  left  at  Ply- 
mouth, England,  under  the  care  of  Sir  Lewis  Steukley, 
who  undertook  to  direct  his  education — his  tender 
years  making  it  expedient  to  remove  him  to  Virginia. 
As  that  gentleman  was  soon  after  completely  beg- 
gared and  disgraced  by  the  part  which  he  took  in  the 
proceedings  against  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  the  tuition  of 
Rolfe  passed  into  the  hands  of  his  uncle,  Henry  Rolfe 
of  London.  He  became  in  after  years  a  man  of  emi- 
nence and  fortune  in  Virginia,  and  inherited  a  consider- 
able tract  of  land  which  had  belonged  to  Powhatan. 
At  his  death  he  left  an  only  daughter,  who  was  mar- 
ried to  Col.  Robert  Boiling.  By  him  she  had  an  only 
son,  who  was  father  to  Col.  John  Boiling,  (well  known 
to  many  then  living;)  and  several  daughters  married 
to  Col.  Richard  Randolph,  Col.  John  Fleming,  Dr. 
William  Gay,  Mr.  Thomas  Eldridge  and  Mr.  James 
Murray.  This  genealogy  is  taken  from  Stith ;  and  he 
shows  with  sufficient  minuteness,  that  this  remnant 
of  the  imperial  family  of  Virgina,  which  long  survived 
in  a  single  person,  had  branched  out  into  a  very  num- 
erous progeny,  even  as  early  as  1747.  The  Hon.  John 
Randolph  of  Roanoke  is,  if  we  mistake  not,  a  lineal 
descendant  of  the  princess  in  the  sixth  degree. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Sequel  of  the  history  of  Opecliancanough. — Renewal,  by  him  and  Opitchipan 
of  the  treaty  of  peace. — Finesse  by  which  he  extended  his  dominion 
over  the  Chickahominies. — Preparations  for  war. — Causes  of  it. — Pro- 
found dissimulation  under  which  his  hostility  was  concealed. — Indian 
custom  of  making  Conjurers. — Manoeuvres  against  the  English  inter- 
est.— The  great  massacre  of  1622 ;  circumstances  and  consequences  of 
it. — Particular  occasion  which  led  to  it. — Character  and  death  of  Ne- 
mattanow. — Details  of  the  war  subsequent  to  the  massacre. — Truce 
broken  by  the  English. — New  exertions  of  Opechancanough. — Battle  of 
Pamunkey. — Peace  of  1632. — Massacre  of  1641. — Capture  of  Opechan- 
canough by  the  English. — His  death  and  character. 

CAPTAIN  ARGALL  brought  out  from  England, 
among  other  things  a  variety  of  presents  for 
Opechancanough,  who  seems  now  to  have 
been,  notwithstanding  that  Powhatan  was  still  living, 
the  chief  object  of  the  Colony's  apprehension  and  re- 
gard. He  lamented,  as  the  Indians  did  universally, 
the  untimely  fate  of  their  favorite  princess;  but  he 
also  expressed  himself  satisfied  with  the  care  which 
had  been  taken  of  her  son.  Argall  sent  messengers 
to  him  immediately  on  his  arrival  at  Jamestown ;  and 
the  chieftain  paid  him  a  visit,  and  received  his  pres- 
ents. Tomocomo,  who  returned  with  Argall,  had 
conceived  a  dislike  for  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  he  railed 
violently  against  him  in  particular,  as  he  did  against 
the  English  in  general;  but  Opechancanough  either 
(78) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  79 

was  or  affected  to  be  convinced,  that  his  anger  and 
his  accusations  were  equally  groundless.  On  the  death 
of  Powhatan,  in  1618,  both  himself  and  his  royal 
brother  Opitchipan  renewed  the  ancient  league  of  the 
emperor  with  the  English ;  under  the  protection  of 
which,  we  are  told,  every  man  peaceably  followed  his 
building  and  planting,  without  any  remarkable  acci- 
dents or  interruption. 

A  transaction  which  occurred  in  1616,  furnishes  the 
best  comment  we  can  give  upon  the  character  of 
Opechancanough.  It  appears,  that  President  Yeardly 
at  that  time  undertook  to  relieve  the  necessities  of 
the  colony  by  collecting  tribute  of  the  Chickahomi- 
nies.  But,  for  some  reason  or  other,  that  warlike 
people  refused  to  pay  it;  and  even  sent  him  an  an- 
swer to  his  demand,  which  he  construed  into  an 
affront.  He  therefore  called  upon  them,  soon  after, 
with  a  company  of  one  hundred  soldiers,  well  armed. 
Some  threatening  and  bravado  ensued  on  both  sides, 
and  a  regular  battle  was  the  speedy  consequence. 
The  Indians  were  defeated,  and  as  Yeardly  was  re- 
turning to  Jamestown  with  his  spoil,  Opechanca- 
nough met  him,  and  artfully  effected  an  agreement 
with  him,  that  he  (Yeardly)  would  make  no  peace 
with  the  Chickahominies  without  his  consent.  He 
then  went  to  that  tribe,  and  pretended  that  he  had 
with  great  pains  and  solicitation,  procured  a  peace 
for  them.  To  requite  this  immense  service,  as  it  was 
now  considered,  they  cheerfully  proclaimed  him  King 
of  their  nation,  and  flocked  from  all  quarters  with 
presents  of  beads  and  copper.  From  this  time  he  was 
content  to  be  entitled  the  King  of  Chickahominy ;  and 
thus  was  subject  to  him,  with  their  own  free  consent, 


80  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

a  brave  and  resolute  people,  who  had  successfully 
resisted,  for  many  years  the  power  of  every  savage 
and  civilized  foe. 

The  English  historians  generally  agree  in  repre- 
senting Opechancanough  as  an  inveterate  enemy  of 
the  English  from  first  to  last.  Such  may  have  been 
the  case ;  and  he  might  have  had  what  appeared  to 
him  reason  and  occasion  enough  for  his  hostility. 
The  character  of  many  of  the  colonists  was  but  too 
well  calculated  to  thwart  the  best  intentions  on  the 
part  of  the  government,  however  peaceable  and  just 
might  be  their  theory  of  Indian  intercourse.  The 
discontent  of  Tomocomo  might  have  its  effect,  too, 
and  especially  among  the  mass  of  his  countrymen. 
The  pledge  of  harmony  which  had  existed  in  the 
person  of  Pocahontas  was  forgotten.  But  above  all, 
Opechancanough  was  too  shrewd  a  man  not  to  per- 
ceive, in  the  alarming  disproportion  which  was  daily 
showing  itself  between  the  power  of  the  English  and 
the  Indians  of  Virginia  —  independently  of  particular 
provocations  —  a  sure  indication  of  the  necessity  of 
a  new  system  of  defence. 

Subsequent  events  confirm  this  conjecture.  No 
better  preparations  for  a  war  could  have  been  made 
on  the  chieftain's  part,  than  he  affected  in  the  sub- 
mission of  the  Chickahominies.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  he  himself  instigated,  through  his  satellites,  the 
very  insolence  whereby  they  drew  upon  themselves 
that  severe  chastisement  from  the  colony,  which  in- 
creased his  own  influence  over  them  as  much  as  it 
aggravated  their  hostility  to  the  English.  We  find 
that,  in  1618,  they  committed  several  outrages  of  a 
most  flagrant  character;  and  although  Opechanca- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  81 

rough,  who  was  applied  to  for  satisfaction  promised 
to  send  in  the  heads  of  the  offenders,  this  was  never 
done,  and  it  may  be  questioned,  whether  he  was  not 
privy  to,  or  perhaps  the  chief  author  and  contriver 
of  the  whole  affair.  At  all  events,  historians  repre- 
sent, that  his  regal  authority  over  the  tribe  was  there- 
«by  "  firmly  riveted  and  established." 

Still,  not  only  had  the  artful  chieftain  given  no 
open  cause  of  offence  or  evidence  of  hostility;  but  he 
absolutely  succeeded,  as  we  have  seen,  in  completely 
quieting  the  suspicions  of  the  colonists.  In  1620, 
indeed,  we  find  it  recorded  in  the  journal  of  Mr.  Rolfe, 
that  "  now  Opechancanough  will  not  come  at  vs  that  causes 
vs  suspect  his  former  promises."  But  this  little  uneasi- 
ness was  wholly  done  away,  on  the  arrival  of  Sir  Fran- 
cis Wyatt,  the  successor  of  Yeardly,  in  1621.  That 
gentleman  immediately  sent  messengers  to  Opechan- 
canough and  Opitchipan,  who  both  expressed  great 
satisfaction  at  the  accession  of  the  new  President,  and 
cheerfully  renewed  their  former  leagues  with  the  col- 
ony. The  former  also  declared  himself  pleased  with 
the  idea  of  the  English  inhabiting  the  country.  He 
proposed,  by  way  of  amalgamating  the  two  nations, 
that  some  of  the  white  families  should  settle  among 
his  people,  while  some  of  his  should  settle  at  James- 
town. A  former  promise  was  confirmed,  of  sending 
a  guide  with  the  English  to  certain  mines  represented 
to  be  situated  above  the  falls.  Nay,  so  far  was  the 
deception  carried,  that  "  Mr.  Thorpe  [the  chief  mes- 
senger] thought  he  perceived  more  motions  of  religion 
in  Opechancanough  than  could  easily  be  imagined,  in 
so  great  ignorance  and  blindness.  He  acknowledged 
his  own  religion  not  to  be  the  right  way;  and  desired 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 6 


82  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

to  be  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith.  He  confessed 
that  God  loved  the  English  better  than  them ;  and  he 
thought  the  cause  of  God's  anger  was  their  custom 
of  conjuring  their  children,  and  making  them  black 
boys." 

It  must  have  been  about  this  time  that  Opechan- 
canough  took  the  trouble  to  send  some  of  his  men 
to  a  sachem  on  the  eastern  shore,  for  a  quantity  of 
poison,  peculiar  to  that  region,  and  which  he  wished 
to  use  in  his  operations  against  the  English.  This 
may  have  been  the  true  object  of  the  embassy;  and  it 
may  also  have  been  but  a  cover  for  sounding  the  dis- 
position of  the  eastern  tribes  towards  the  colony. 
Accordingly,  it  is  recorded  in  the  "  Observations  of 
Master  lohn  Pory,  secretarie  of  Virginia,  in  his  trav- 
els/' that  Namenacus,  the  Sachem  of  Pawtuxent,  made 
an  application  to  the  colony,  in  1621,  for  the  privi- 
lege of  trading  with  them.  The  request  was  so  far 
attended  to,  that  the  English  promised  to  visit  him 
within  six  weeks.  Now  it  seems  that  their  commerce 
with  the  Indians  at  this  period  was  mostly  carried  on 
by  the  aid  of  one  Thomas  Salvage,  an  interpreter,  and 
the  same  man  whom  Smith  had  left  with  Powhatan 
fourteen  years  before.  The  visit  took  place  according 
to  promise,  and  it  was  then  ascertained  that  Opechan- 
canough  had  employed  one  of  his  Indians  to  kill  Sav- 
age. The  pretence  was,  "  because  he  brought  the 
trade  from  him  to  the  easterne  shore."  The  truth  prob- 
ably was,  that  the  chieftain  was  jealous  of  the  English 
influence  among  the  tribes  of  that  region. 

But  the  storm  which  had  been  gathering  ever  since 
the  death  of  the  emperor,  was  at  length  ready  to  burst 
upon  the  devoted  colony.  Opechancanough  had  com- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  83 

Dieted  every  preparation  which  the  nature  of  things 
permitted  on  his  part;  and  nothing  remained,  but  to 
strike  the  great  blow  which  he  intended  should  utterly 
extinguish  the  English  settlements  forever.  The 
twenty-second  day  of  March,  1622  —  an  era  but  too 
memorable  in  Virginian  history  —  was  selected  for  the 
time;  and  a  certain  hour  agreed  upon,  to  ensure  a 
simultaneous  assault  in  every  direction.  The  various 
tribes  engaged  in  the  conspiracy  were  drawn  together 
and  stationed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  several  places  of 
massacre,  with  a  celerity  and  precision  unparalleled 
in  the  annals  of  the  continent.  Although  some  of  the 
detachments  had  to  march  from  great  distances,  and 
through  a  continued  forest,  guided  only  by  the  stars 
and  moon,  no  single  instance  of  disorder  or  mistake 
is  known  to  have  happened.  One  by  one,  they  followed 
each  other  in  profound  silence,  treading  as  nearly 
as  possible  in  each  other's  steps,  and  adjusting  the 
long  grass  and  branches  which  they  displaced.  They 
halted  at  short  distances  from  the  settlements,  and 
waited  in  death-like  stillness  for  the  signal  of  attack. 

That  was  to  be  given  by  their  fellow-savages, 
who  had  chosen  the  same  morning  for  visiting  the 
different  plantations,  in  considerable  numbers,  for  the 
purpose  of  ascertaining  their  strength  and  precise 
situation,  and  at  the  same  time  preventing  any  sus- 
picion of  the  general  design.  This,  it  should  be  ob- 
served, had  recently  become  too  habitual  a  practice 
with  the  Indians,  to  excite  suspicion  of  itself.  The 
peace  was  supposed  to  be  inviolable.  The  savages 
were  well  known  to  be  in  no  condition  for  a  war; 
and  had  shown  no  disposition  for  one.  The  English, 
therefore,  while  they  supplied  them  generally  with 


84  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

whatever  they  asked  for,  upon  fair  terms,  neglected 
to  prepare  themselves  for  defence.  They  were  so 
secure,  that  a  sword  or  a  firelock  was  rarely  to  be 
met  with  in  a  private  dwelling.  Most  of  their  planta- 
tions were  seated  in  a  scattered  and  straggling  manner, 
as  a  water-privilege  or  a  choice  vein  of  rich  land  in- 
vited them ;  and  indeed  it  was  generally  thought,  the 
further  from  neighbors,  the  better.  The  Indians  were 
daily  received  into  their  houses,  fed  at  their  tables, 
and  lodged  in  their  bedchambers ;  and  boats  were  even 
lent  them  previous  to  the  twenty-second,  as  they 
passed  backwards  and  forwards  for  the  very  purpose 
of  completing  the  plan  of  extirpation. 

The  hour  being  come,  the  savages,  knowing  ex- 
actly in  what  spot  every  Englishman  was  to  be  found, 
rose  upon  them  at  once.  The  work  of  death  was  com- 
menced, and  they  spared  neither  sex  nor  age,  man* 
woman  nor  child.  Some  entered  the  houses  under  colof 
of  trade.  Others  drew  the  owners  abroad  upon  various 
pretences ;  while  the  rest  fell  suddenly  on  such  as 
were  occupied  in  their  several  labors.  So  quick  was 
the  execution,  that  few  perceived  the  weapon  or  blow 
which  despatched  them.  And  thus,  in  one  hour  and 
almost  at  the  same  instant,  fell  three  hundred  and 
forty-seven  men,  women  and  children ;  most  of  them 
by  their  own  arms,  and  all,  (as  Stith  observes,)  by 
the  hands  of  a  naked  and  timid  people,  who  durst  not 
stand  the  presenting  of  a  staff  in  the  manner  of  a  fire- 
lock, in  the  hands  of  a  woman. 

Those  who  had  sufficient  warning  to  make  re- 
sistance saved  their  lives.  Nathaniel  Causie,  an  old 
soldier  of  Captain  Smith's,  though  cruelly  wounded, 
cleaved  down  one  of  his  assailants  with  an  axe;  upon 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  85 

which  the  whole  party  who  had  surrounded  him  fled, 
and  he  escaped.  At  another  place,  two  men  held 
possession  of  a  house  against  sixty  Indians.  -  At  War' 
rasqueke,  a  Mr.  Baldwin,  whose  wife  was  so  badly 
wounded  that  she  lay  for  dead,  by  repeatedly  dis- 
charging his  musket  drove  off  the  enemy,  and  saved 
both  her  and  himself.  Ralph  Hamer,  the  historian, 
defended  himself  in  his  house,  successfully,  with 
spades,  axes  and  brickbats.  One  small  family,  living 
near  Martin's  Hundred,  where  as  many  as  seventy- 
three  of  the  English  were  slain,  not  only  escaped  the 
massacre  but  never  heard  anything  of  it  until  two  or 
three  days  afterwards.  Jamestown  and  some  of  the 
neighboring  places  were  saved  by  the  disclosure  of  a 
Christian  Indian  named  Chanco,  who  was  confiden- 
tially informed  of  the  design  by  his  brother,  on  the 
morning  of  the  22d. 

Such  was  the  evidence  which  Opechancanough 
gave  of  his  deep-rooted  hatred  of  the  English.  And 
yet,  such  was  his  profound  dissimulation,  that  so  late 
as  the  middle  of  March,  he  treated  a  messenger  sent 
to  him  from  the  President  with  the  utmost  civilit}^ 
assuring  him  he  held  the  peace  so  firm,  that  the  sky 
would  fall  sooner  than  it  should  be  violated  on  his 
part.  Mr.  Thorpe,  an  excellent  man,  who  had  taken 
a  peculiar  interest  in  christianizing  the  Indians,  sup- 
posed that  he  had  gained  the  especial  favor  of  Opechan- 
canough by  building  him  a  very  neat  house  after 
the  English  fashion;  in  which  he  took  such  pleasure, 
as  to  lock  and  unlock  the  door  a  hundred  times  a 
day.  He  seemed  also  to  be  pleased  with  the  dis- 
course and  company  of  Mr.  Thorpe,  and  expressed 
a  desire  to  requite  some  of  his  kindness.  Neverthe- 


86  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

less,  the  body  of  this  unfortunate  man  was  found 
among  the  slain.  Only  two  days  before  the  massacre, 
the  Indians  guided  a  party  of  the  English  through 
the  woods,  and  sent  home  one  who  had  lived  among 
them  to  learn  their  language.  On  the  very  morning 
of  the  fatal  day,  as  also  the  evening  before,  they  came, 
as  at  other  times,  unarmed  into  the  houses  of  the 
English,  with  deer,  turkeys,  fish,  fruits  and  othef 
things  to  sell ;  and  in  some  places  sat  down  to  break- 
fast with  the  same  persons  whom  they  rose  up  to 
tomahawk. 

The  particular  occasion — as  the  historians  consider 
it  —  of  the  conspiracy,  is  too  characteristic  to  be 
omitted.  There  was  a  noted  Indian,  named  Nemat- 
tanow,  who  was  wont,  out  of  vanity  or  some  un- 
accountable humor,  to  dress  himself  up  with  feathers,  in 
a  most  barbarously  fantastic  manner.  This  habit  ob- 
tained for  him  among  the  English  the  name  of  Jack- 
of -the- feather.  He  was  renowned  among  his  country- 
men both  for  courage  and  cunning,  and  was  esteemed 
the  greatest  war-captain  of  those  times.  But,  what 
was  most  remarkable,  although  he  had  been  in  many 
skirmishes  and  engagements  with  the  English,  he 
always  escaped  without  a  wound.  From  this  accident, 
seconded  by  his  own  ambition  and  craft,  he  obtained 
at  length  the  reputation  of  being  invulnerable  and 
immortal. 

Early  in  1622,  Nemattanow  came  to  the  house  of 
one  Morgan,  who  kept  and  sold  a  variety  of  well- 
selected  commodities  for  the  use  of  the  Indians, 
Smitten  with  a  strong  desire  to  obtain  some  of  them, 
Nemattanow  persuaded  Morgan  to  accompany  him 
to  Pamunkey,  on  the  assurance  of  an  advantageous 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  8? 

traffic  at  that  place.  On  the  way,  he  is  supposed  to 
have  murdered  the  trader.  Within  two  or  three  days, 
he  returned  again  to  the  house  of  his  victim,  where 
were  only  two  stout  young  men,  servants  of  Morgan,  at 
home.  They,  observing  that  he  wore  their  master's 
cap  on  his  head,  inquired  after  him ;  and  Jack  told  them 
frankly  he  was  dead. 

Confirmed  in  their  previous  suspicions  by  this 
declaration,  they  seized  him,  and  endeavored  to  carry 
him  before  Mr.  Thorpe,  who  lived  at  a  neighboring 
settlement.  But  their  prisoner  troubled  them  so  much 
by  his  resistance,  and  withal  provoked  them  so  in- 
tolerably by  his  bravadoes,  that  they  finally  shot  him 
down,  and  put  him  into  a  boat,  in  order  to  convey  him 
the  remaining  seven  or  eight  miles  of  the  way.  But 
the  Indian  soon  grew  faint ;  and  finding  himself  sur- 
prised by  the  pangs  of  death,  he  requested  his  captors 
to  stop.  In  his  last  moments  he  most  earnestly  be- 
sought of  them  two  great  favors ;  first,  never  to  make 
it  known  that  he  was  killed  by  a  bullet ;  and  secondly, 
to  bury  him  among  the  English,  that  the  certain  knowl- 
edge and  monument  of  his  mortality  might  still  be 
concealed  from  the  sight  of  his  countrymen.  So  strong 
was  his  ruling  passion  in  death. 

Opechancanough  was  so  far  from  being  a  par- 
dcular  friend  of  Nemattenow  that  he  had  given  the 
President  to  understand,  by  a  messenger,  sometime 
before  the  transactions  just  related,  that  he  should 
consider  it  a  favor  in  him,  if  he  would  take  measures 
to  have  Jack  despatched.  The  popularity  of  the  war- 
captain  was  the  only  reason  why  he  forebore  to  take 
such  measures  himself.  Nevertheless,  with  a  consum- 
mate wiliness  he  availed  himself  of  this  same  popular- 


88  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ity,  on  the  death  of  his  rival  —  as  Jack  seems  to  have 
been  —  the  better  to  inflame  and  exasperate  the  Indians 
against  the  whites.  He  affected  to  be  excessively 
grieved  at  his  death,  and  for  some  time  was  unusually 
loud  in  his  declarations  of  resentment  and  his  threats 
of  revenge.  A  messenger  came  from  the  President,  to 
ascertain  what  was  intended  by  these  demonstrations 
of  hostility,  and  again  all  was  quiet  as  before ;  nothing 
could  induce  the  Sachem  to  violate  the  vast  regard 
which  he  had  always  entertained  for  the  English. 
About  the  same  time  he  gave  them  liberty,  by  negotia- 
tion, to  seat  themselves  any  where  on  the  shores  of  the 
rivers,  within  his  dominions,  where  the  natives  had  no 
villages.  The  treaty  he  had  already  made  for  the  dis- 
covery of  mines,  as  well  as  for  mutual  friendship  and 
defence,  was  at  his  request  engraven  on  a  brass  plate, 
and  fastened  to  one  of  the  largest  oaks  growing  upon 
his  territories,  that  it  might  be  had  always  in  remem- 
brance. 

For  several  years  after  the  massacre,  a  war  was 
waged  between  the  colonists  and  the  savages,  so  in- 
veterate and  ferocious  as  to  transmit  a  mutual  abhor- 
rence  and  prejudice  to  the  posterity  of  both.  The  for- 
mer obtained  at  this  period  the  name  of  the  Long- 
Knives,  by  which  they  were  distinguished  to  a  very 
late  day  in  the  hieroglyphic  language  of  the  natives. 
Every  precaution  and  preparation  was  taken  and  made 
upon  both  sides,  in  view  of  a  desperate  conflict.  OP 
ders  were  issued  by  the  government,  from  time  to  time, 
directing  a  general  vigilance  and  caution  against  the 
enemy  who  now  engrossed  all  thought;  and  especially 
prohibiting  the  waste  of  arms  and  ammunition.  The 
remnants  of  the  settlements  were  drawn  together 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  89 

into  a  narrower  compass.  Of  eighty  plantations  all 
were  abandoned  but  six,  which  lay  contiguous  at  the 
lower  part  of  James  river;  and  three  or  four  others,  of 
which  the  owners  or  overseers,  refusing  to  obey  public 
orders,  intrenched  themselves,  and  mounted  cannon 
for  their  own  separate  defence. 

A  considerable  space  of  territory  between  the  Vir- 
ginians and  the  savage  tribes,  was  wasted  with  fire,  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  laying  bare  the  stealthy  approaches 
of  the  enemy,  who,  under  cover  of  the  long  grass  and 
underwood,  and  the  gigantic  shield  of  the  oak  and  cy- 
press, had  heretofore  been  able  to  advance  unperceived, 
and  rise  up  in  attack  almost  from  under  the  very  feet 
of  the  English.  But  even  a  boundary  of  fire  could  not 
always  restrain  the  fury,  nor  elude  the  skill,  of  the  In- 
dians. Wisely  content  with  short  and  sudden  incur- 
sions, for  plunder  and  revenge  rather  than  conquest, 
they  frequently  succeeded  in  carrying  off  the  corn  and 
cattle  of  the  colonists,  and  sometimes  their  persons 
into  captivity.  They  were  themselves,  on  the  other 
hand,  hunted  like  beasts  of  prey.  No  prisoners  were 
made ;  no  quarter  was  given. 

From  the  time  of  the  massacre,  Opechancanough 
seems  no  longer  to  have  taken  the  least  trouble  to  con- 
ceal his  hostility.  He  returned  a  haughty  answer  to 
the  first  demand  made  upon  him  for  the  redemption  of 
the  English  captives ;  and  trampled  under  foot  the  pic- 
ture of  the  English  monarch,  which  was  sent  to  him  as 
a  compliment.  Late  in  1622,  when  Captain  Croshaw 
was  trading  on  the  Potomac,  with  the  only  tribe  which 
was  now  willing  to  carry  on  commerce,  he  had 
scarcely  landed  from  his  vessel,  when  a  messenger  ar- 
rived from  Opechancanough  to  Japazaws,  (king  of  the 


90  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Patawomekes,)  bearing  two  baskets  of  beads  as  a  royal 
present,  and  soliciting  the  king  to  murder  his  new  visit- 
ants on  the  spot.  He  was  assured,  that  whether  he 
did  his  part  or  not,  before  the  end  of  two  moons,  there 
should  not  be  an  Englishman  left  in  the  whole  coun- 
try. Japazaws  first  disclosed  the  message  to  his  guest ; 
and  then,  after  thinking  and  talking  of  it  two  days, 
made  answer  that  the  English  were  his  friends,  and 
Opitchipan  (the  Powhatan  emperor)  his  brother;  and 
therefore  there  should  be  no  more  blood  shed  between 
them  by  his  means.  The  beads  were  returned  by  the 
messenger. 

After  this,  the  colonists  had  their  season  of  success ; 
and  more  Indians  are  said  to  have  been  slain  during 
the  autumn  and  winter  of  1622-3,  than  had  ever  be- 
fore fallen  by  the  hands  of  the  English,  since  the  set- 
tlement of  Jamestown.  But  the  course  adopted  by  the 
civilized  party  sufficiently  indicates  the  desperate  state 
of  their  affairs.  They  availed  themselves  of  a  strata- 
gem worse  than  barbarous  in  its  principle,  however 
circumstances  might  be  supposed  in  this  case  to  justify 
it.  A  peace  was  offered  to  the  enemy  and  accepted; 
but  just  as  the  corn  which  the  latter  were  thus  induced 
to  plant,  was  beginning  to  grow  ripe,  the  English  fell 
upon  them  in  all  directions  at  a  given  hour  of  an  ap- 
pointed day,  killed  many,  and  destroyed  a  vast  quan- 
tity of  provisions.  Several  of  the  greatest  war-cap- 
tains were  among  the  slain ;  and  for  some  time  Ope- 
chancanough  himself  was  reported  to  be  one.  This 
rumor  alone,  so  long  as  believed,  was  equal  to  a  vic- 
tory ;  "  for  against  him"  says  the  historian,  "  was  this 
stratagem  chiefly  laid." 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  91 

Such  language  furnishes  evidence  enough  of  the 
apprehension  which  his  movements  and  reputation 
had  excited.  But  he  gave  more  substantial  reasons  for 
the  respect  which  he  still  wrested  from  his  enemy,  by 
his  prowess.  A  battle  took  place  at  his  own  village 
of  Pamunkey,  in  1625,  in  which  the  main  body  of  the 
savages  numbered  eight  hundred  bow-men,  independ- 
ently of  detachments  from  remote  tribes ;  and  though 
the  English,  led  on  by  Governor  Wyatt  in  person,  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  the  enemy  from  the  field,  they  were 
unable  to  pursue  them  even  as  far  as  Matapony.  That 
town  was  their  principal  depot  and  rallying  point,  and 
the  acknowledged  inability  to  reach  it,  though  but  four 
miles  distant,  proves  that  the  battle  was  by  no  means 
decisive.  It  appears  from  this  affair,  too,  that  all  the 
efforts  of  the  English,  during  an  inveterate  war  of 
three  years,  had  not  driven  the  tribes  even  from  the 
neighborhood  of  their  own  settlements.  What  was 
more  discouraging,  Opechancanough  was  not  to  be  de- 
ceived a  second  time  by  the  arts  of  diplomacy.  In 
1628,  the  governor's  proclamation,  which  announced 
the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  negotiate  with 
the  enemy,  declared  expressly  an  intention  to  repeat 
the  stratagem  of  1622;  but  the  plan  failed  of  success, 
and  the  Pamunkies  and  Chickahominies — most  imme- 
diately under  the  influence  of  Opechancanough — were 
more  troublesome  at  this  period  than  ever  before. 

Four  years  afterwards,  the  same  tribes  made  an 
irruption  so  furious  and  alarming,  that  every  twen- 
tieth man  was  despatched,  under  the  command  of  the 
governor,  to  parley  with  them — a  term  in  the  records 
which  shows  forcibly,  as  Burk  observes,  the  respect 
this  brave  people  had  inspired.  But  Opechancanough 


92  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

was  still  implacable;  and  when,  in  the  course  of  1632, 
a  peace  wras  at  last  formally  concluded,  so  little  de- 
pendance  was  placed  on  that  circumstance,  that  even 
while  the  commissioners  on  both  sides  were  adjusting 
the  preliminaries,  a  proclamation  was  issued,  forbid- 
ding the  colonists  either  to  parley  or  trade  with  the 
Indians. 

This  truce  or  treaty  was  understood  to  be  on  both 
sides  a  temporary  expedient ;  but  the  chieftain  was  the 
first  to  take  advantage  of  it.  During  nine  years  he 
remained  quietly  making  his  preparations  for  the  con- 
flict which  his  sagacity  told  him  must  some  day  or 
other  be  renewed.  The  hour  at  length  arrived.  The 
colony  was  involved  in  dissensions.  Insurrections  had 
taken  place.  The  governor  was  unpopular,  and  the 
people  were  unprepared  and  heedless.  Opechanca- 
nough  lost  not  a  moment  in  concerting  measures  for 
effecting  at  a  single  blow  the  bloody,  but  in  his  bosom 
noble  design,  which  had  already  engrossed  the  solici- 
tude and  labor  of  so  large  a  part  of  his  life. 

He  was  now  advanced  in  years,  but  his  orders  were 
conveyed  with  electric  rapidity  to  the  remotest  tribes 
of  the  great  confederacy  associated  under  his  influ- 
ence. With  the  five  nearest  his  own  location,  and 
most  completely  under  his  control,  he  resolved  to  make 
the  principal  onset  in  person.  The  more  distant  sta- 
tions were  assigned  to  the  leading  chiefs  of  the  several 
nations ;  and  thus  the  system  of  a  war  that  raged  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake  to  the  heads  of  all  the 
great  rivers,  which  flow  into  it,  was  so  simple  as  to 
render  confusion  impossible.  The  whole  force  was  let 
loose  upon  the  entire  line  of  the  five  English  settle- 
ments at  nearly  the  same  instant  of  time.  Five  hun- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  93 

dred  persons  perished  in  the  massacre.  Many  others 
were  carried  into  captivity.  The  habitations,  corn, 
household  utensils,  instruments  of  farming,  everything 
essential  to  comfort,  and  almost  every  thing  necessary 
to  life,  was  consumed  by  fire.  But  for  circumstances 
in  the  situation  of  the  settlements,  over  which  Ope- 
chancanough  had  no  control,  and  which  he  could  not 
guard  against,  the  fate  of  Virginia  had  been  decided  by 
this  single  blow. 

As  it  wras,  every  other  labor  and  thought  were  sus- 
pended in  the  terrors  of  an  Indian  war.  The  loom  was 
abandoned.  The  plough  was  left  in  its  furrow.  All 
who  were  able  to  bear  arms  were  embodied  as  a  mili- 
tia for  the  defence  of  the  colony;  and  a  chosen  body, 
comprising  every  twentieth  man,  marched  into  the 
enemy's  country  under  Governor  Berkeley's  personal 
command.  The  operations  of  the  war,  which  raged 
thenceforth  without  any  intermission  until  the  death 
of  Opechancanough — and  that  alone  was  expected  to 
end  it — are  detailed  by  no  historian.  The  early  Vir- 
ginian records  which  remain  in  manuscript  are  alto- 
gether silent  respecting  this  period;  and  the  meagre 
relation  of  Beverly  is  the  only  chronicle  which  has  sur- 
vived the  ravages  of  time.  This  circumstance  of  itself 
sufficiently  indicates  the  confusion  and  dismay  of  the 
era. 

Opechancanough,  whose  last  scene  now  rapidly  ap- 
proaches, had  become  so  decrepid  by  age,  as  to  be 
unable  to  walk,  though  his  spirit,  rising  above  the 
ruins  of  his  body,  directed,  from  the  litter  upon  which 
his  Indians  carried  him,  the  onset  and  the  retreat  of 
his  warriors.  The  wreck  of  his  constitution  was  at 
length  completed  by  the  extreme  fatigues  encountered 


94  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

in  this  difficult  and  laborious  service.  His  flesh  be- 
came macerated ;  his  sinews  lost  their  elasticity ;  and 
his  eyelids  were  so  heavy  that  he  could  not  see,  unless 
they  were  lifted  up  by  his  faithful  attendants.  In  this 
forlorn  condition  he  was  closely  pursued  by  Berkeley 
with  a  squadron  of  horse,  and  at  length  surprised  and 
taken.  He  entered  Jamestown,  for  the  first  time  in 
his  life,  as  the  most  conspicuous  figure  in  the  conquer- 
or's triumph. 

To  the  honor  of  the  English,  they  treated  their 
distinguished  captive  with  the  tenderness  which  his 
infirmities  demanded,  and  the  respect  which  his  ap- 
pearance and  talents  inspired.  They  saw  the  object  of 
their  terror  bending  under  the  load  of  years,  and  shat- 
tered by  the  hardships  of  war;  and  they  generously 
resolved  to  bury  the  remembrance  of  their  injuries  in 
his  present  melancholy  reverse  of  fortune.  His  own 
deportment  was  suitable  to  his  former  glory,  and  to 
the  principles  of  an  Indian  hero.  He  disdained  to  ut- 
ter complaint  or  to  manifest  uneasiness.  He  believed 
that  tortures  were  preparing  for  him ;  but  instead  of 
any  consequent  reduction  in  his  haughtiness,  his  lan^ 
guage  and  demeanor  bespoke  the  most  absolute  defiv 
ance  and  contempt. 

But  generally  he  shrouded  himself  in  reserve ;  and 
as  if  desirous  of  showing  his  enemies  that  there  was 
nothing  in  their  presence  even  to  arouse  his  curiosity, 
and  much  less  to  excite  his  apprehensions,  he  but 
rarely  permitted  his  eyelids  to  be  lifted  up.  He  con- 
tinued in  this  same  state  several  days,  attended  by  his 
affectionate  Indian  servants,  who  had  begged  permis- 
sion to  wait  upon  him.  But  his  long  life  of  near  an 
hundred  years  was  drawing  to  its  close.  He  was 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  95 

basely  shot  through  the  back  by  one  of  the  soldiers 
appointed  to  guard  him,  from  no  other  provocation 
than  the  recollection  of  his  ancient  hostility. 

To  the  last  moment  his  courage  remained  unbro- 
ken. The  nearer  death  approached,  the  more  care  he 
seemed  to  use  in  concealing  his  dejection,  and  pre- 
serving the  dignity  and  serenity  of  his  aspect.  Only  a 
few  minutes  before  he  expired,  he  heard  an  unusual 
bustle  in  the  room  where  he  was  confined.  Having 
ordered  his  attendants  to  raise  his  eyelids,  he  discov- 
ered a  number  of  persons  crowding  round  him,  for  the 
purpose  of  gratifying  an  unseasonable  curiosity.  The 
dying  chief  felt  the  indignity,  but  disdaining  to  notice 
the  intruders  he  raised  himself  as  well  as  he  could,  and 
with  a  voice  and  air  of  authority,  demanded  that  the 
governor  should  be  immediately  brought  in.  When  the 
latter  made  his  appearance,  the  chieftain  scornfully 
told  him,  that  "  had  it  been  his  fortune  to  have  taken 
Sir  William  Berkeley  prisoner,  he  should  not  have  exposed 
him  as  a  show  to  his  people." 

Such  was  the  death  of  Opechancanough.  His  char- 
acter is  too  well  explained  by  his  life  to  require  any 
additional  comment.  His  own  countrymen  were  more 
extensively  and  more  completely  under  his  influence 
than  they  had  been  under  that  of  Powhatan  himself. 
This  is  the  more  remarkable  from  the  fact  that  Opit- 
chipan,  whose  age  and  family  at  least  entitled  him  to 
some  deference,  retained  the  nominal  authority  of  em- 
peror so  long  as  he  lived.  Beverley  says,  that  Ope- 
chancanough was  not  esteemed  by  the  Indians  to  be 
in  any  way  related  to  Powhatan ;  and  that  they  repre- 
sented him  as  a  prince  of  a  foreign  nation  residing  at 
a  great  distance  somewhere  in  the  Southwest.  He 


96  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

might  be  an  emigrant  or  an  exile  from  the  empire  of 
Mexico,  or  from  some  of  the  tribes  between  that  re- 
gion and  Virginia.  The  same  historian  describes  him 
as  a  man  of  large  stature,  noble  presence  and  extraor- 
dinary parts.  Stith  calls  him  a  politic  and  haughty 
prince.  Burk  entitles  him  the  Hannibal  of  Virginia. 

He  was  perhaps  the  most  inveterate  and  trouble- 
some enemy  which  any  of  the  American  colonies  have 
ever  met  with  among  his  race.  The  general  causes 
which  made  him  so,  independently  of  his  inherent  tal- 
ents and  principles,  are  to  be  looked  for  in  the  situa- 
tion of  the  tribes  under  his  command,  and  especially 
in  the  relations  existing  between  them  and  the  colo- 
nists. He  saw,  that  either  the  white  man  or  the  red 
man  must  sooner  or  later  establish  an  exclusive  supe- 
riority; and  he  very  reasonably  decided  upon  doing 
all  in  his  power  to  determine  the  issue  in  favor  of  his 
country  and  himself.  But  more  particular  provoca- 
tions were  not  wanting.  Even  after  the  peace  of  1636, 
great  as  the  anxiety  was  for  its  preservation,  "  the 
subtle  Indian,"  says  Beverley,  "  resented  the  encroach- 
ments on  them  by  Hervey's  grants.  A  late  historian  ex- 
presses himself  in  warmer  terms.  It  was  not  enough, 
he  writes,  that  they  had  abandoned  to  their  invaders 
the  delightful  regions  on  the  seashore,  where  their 
fathers  had  been  placed  by  the  bounty  of  heaven — 
where  their  days  had  rolled  on  in  an  enchanting  round 
of  innocence  and  gayety — where  they  had  possessed 
abundance  without  labor,  and  independence  without 
government.  The  little  that  remained  to  them  was 
attempted  to  be  wrested  from  them  by  the  insatiable 
avarice  and  rapacity  of  their  enemies. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Biography  of  other  Virginian  chieftains. — Opitchipan. — Some  particulars 
respecting  Tomocomo. — His  visit  to  England,  interview  with  Captain 
Smith,  and  return  to  America. — Japazaws,  chief  sachem  of  the  Pato- 
womekes. — His  friendship  for  the  English. — 111  treatment  which  he 
received  from  them. — Totopotomoi,  successor  of  Opechancanough. — 
His  services. — His  death  in  1656. — Notices  of  several  native  chiefs  of 
North  Carolina. — Granganimo,  who  dies  in  1585. — Menatenon,  king  of 
the  Chowanocks. — Ensenore,  father  of  Granganimo ;  and  Wingina,  his 
brother. — Plot  of  the  latter  against  the  Hatteras  colony. — His  death. — 
Comment  on  the  Carolinian  Biography. 

THE  characters  we  have  heretofore  noticed  are 
far  the  most  prominent  in  the  Indian  history 
of  Virginia.  Indeed,  they  are  almost  the  only 
ones  which  have  been  preserved  with  distinctness 
enough  to  excite  much  interest  in  them  as  individuals. 
Still,  there  are  several  which  ought  not  to  be  wholly 
passed  by;  and  the  want  of  a  vivid  light  and  coloring 
in  some  of  them,  may  perhaps  be  compensated,  at 
least,  by  the  appearance  of  milder  qualities  than  are 
predominant  in  the  portraitures  we  have  hitherto 
sketched. 

The  extant  information  respecting  certain  members 
of  the  Powhatan  family,  whose  history  has  not  been 
concluded,  may  soon  be  detailed.  Opitchipan  is  not 
mentioned  subsequently  to  the  great  battle  of  Pamun- 
key,  in  1625,  when  for  the  first  tinre  he  appears  to  have 

M.  of  H.— xxx— 7  •  (97) 


98  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

\ 

placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  countrymen,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  English.  As  the  name  of  Opechanca- 
nough  is  not  even  alluded  to  in  the  records  of  that 
period,  it  may  be  presumed  he  was  accidentally  absent. 
Generally,  he  seems  to  have  been  out  of  favor  with  his 
reigning  brother,  and  to  have  contended  against  his 
influence,  such  as  it  was,  in  all  his  designs  hostile  to 
the  colony.  Opitchipan  disapproved  of  the  great  mas- 
sacre of  1622 ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing  season  we  find 
him  sending  in  Chanco,  the  Christian  convert  who  dis- 
closed the  conspiracy  in  that  case,  with  a  message  to 
Governor  Wyatt,  that  if  he  would  send  ten  or  twelve 
men,  he  would  give  up  all  the  English  prisoners  in  his 
possession — (which,  as  we  have  seen,  Opechanca- 
nough  had  refused  to  do.)  He  even  promised  to  de- 
liver up  his  implacable  brother — if  brother  he  was — 
bound  hand  and  foot.  "  Captain  Tucker,"  says  Stith, 
"  was  accordingly  sent  upon  this  service,  but  without 
the  desired  success.  However,  Opitchipan  sent  back 
Mrs.  Boyce,  naked  and  unapparelled,  in  manner  and 
fashion  like  one  of  their  Indians."  So  insignificant, 
even  with  these  savages,  was  the  power  of  mere  fam- 
ily rank,  as  opposed  to  the  authority  of  reputation  and 
talent. 

One  of  the  chief  counsellors  and  priests  of  Pow- 
hatan,  and  the  husband  of  his  daughter  Matachanna, 
was  Tocomoco,  who  went  to  England  with  Pocahon- 
tas,  and  returned  with  Captain  Argall.  Smith,  who 
calls  him  Vttamatomakkin,  says  he  was  held  by  his 
countrymen  to  be  "  a  very  understanding  fellow/' 
The  same  inference  might  be  made  from  the  commis- 
sion which  Powhatan  gave  him,  on  the  occasion  just 
alluded  to,  to  take  the  number  of  the  people  in  Eng- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  99 

land,  and  to  bring  him  an  exact  and  minute  account  of 
their  strength  and  resources.  Tomocomo  set  about 
that  business  with  equal  simplicity  and  zeal.  Immedi- 
ately on  his  arrival  at  Plymouth,  he  procured  a  long 
stick,  whereupon  he  cut  a  notch  with  his  knife  for 
every  man  he  should  see.  But  he  soon  became  weary 
of  his  task,  and  threw  his  stick  away.  When  the  em- 
peror inquired,  on  his  return,  how  many  people  there 
were,  he  could  only  compare  them  to  the  stars  in  the 
sky,  the  leaves  on  the  trees,  and  the  sands  on  the  sea- 
shore. 

Mr.  Purchas,  (compiler  of  the  famous  collection  of 
voyages,)  was  informed  by  President  Dale,  with  whom 
Tomocomo  went  out  from  Virginia,  that  Opechanca- 
nough,  and  not  Powhatan,  had  given  him  his  instruc- 
tions; and  that  the  object  of  them  was  not  so  much" 
to  ascertain  the  population,  as  to  form  an  estimate  of 
the  amount  of  corn  raised,  and  of  forest  trees  growing 
in  England.  Nomantack  and  the  other  savages  who 
had  previously  visited  that  country,  being  ignorant, 
and  having  seen  little  of  the  British  empire  except 
London,  had  reported  a  very  large  calculation  of  the 
men  and  houses,  while  they  said  almost  nothing  about 
the  trees  and  corn.  It  was  therefore  a  general  opinion 
among  the  Indians,  that  the  English  had  settled  in 
Virginia  only  for  the  purpose  of  getting  supplies  of 
these  two  articles ;  and  in  confirmation,  they  observed 
their  continual  eagerness  after  corn,  and  the  great 
quantities  of  cedar,  clapboards,  and  wainscoting, 
which  they  annually  exported  to  England.  Tomo- 
como readily  undeceived  his  countrymen  upon  this 
point.  Landing  in  the  west  of  England  in  summer, 
and  travelling  thence  to  London,  he  of  course  saw 


100  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

evidences  of  great  agricultural  and  rural  plenty  and 
wealth ;  and  was  soon  obliged  to  abandon  the  account 
he  had  undertaken  to  keep — his  arithmetic  failing  him 
on  the  first  day. 

In  the  British  metropolis,  he  met  accidently  with 
Captain  Smith ;  and  the  two  immediately  renewed 
their  ancient  acquaintance.  Tomocomo  told  the  cap- 
tain, that  Powhatan  had  given  orders  to  request  of 
him — if  indeed  he  was  not  dead,  as  reported — the  favor 
of  showing  Tomocomo  the  English  God,  and  also  their 
King,  Queen  and  prince,  of  whom  they  had  formerly 
conversed  so  often  together.  "  As  to  God,"  as  Stith 
expresses  it,  "  Captain  Smith  excused  and  explained 
the  matter  the  best  he  could."  As  to  the  king,  he  told 
Tomocomo  he  had  already  seen  him,  which  was  true. 
But  the  Indian  denied  it;  and  it  was  not  without  some 
trouble  that  Smith,  by  mentioning  certain  circum- 
stances, convinced  him  of  the  fact.  The  Indian  then 
assumed  a  most  melancholy  look,  "  Ah ! "  said  he, 
"  you  presented  Powhatan  a  white  dog  which  he  fed 
as  himself.  Now,  I  am  certainly  better  than  a  white 
dog;  but  your  king  has  given  me  nothing."  Such  an 
arch  sense,  adds  the  historian,  had  this  savage  of  the 
'  stingy '  treatment  he  had  received  at  court.  Nothing 
is  known  of  Tomocomo  after  his  return  to  America. 

The  most  constant  friend  and  ally  of  the  Virginian 
English,  for  twenty  years  from  the  settlement  of 
Jamestown,  was  Japazaws,  the  Sachem — or,  as  the  old 
writers  call  him,  the  king — of'  the  Potomacs  or  Pato- 
womekes.  He  was  a  person  of  great  influence  and 
authority  on  the  whole  length  of  the  river  which  bears 
to  this  day  the  name  of  his  tribe ;  being  in  fact  a  kind 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  101 

of  petty  emperor  there,  and  always  affecting  to  treat 
Powhatan  and  the  other  emperors  rather  as  brethren 
than  superiors.  He  had  two  hundred  bowmen  in  his 
own  village,  at  the  date  of  the  great  massacre.  The 
entire  population  which  was  more  or  less  subject  to 
him,  appears,  though  somewhat  indistinctly,  from 
Smith's  account  of  his  first  interview  with  the  Sachem 
and  his  people,  in  1608. 

"  The  16th  of  lune,"  he  writes,  "  we  fell  with  the 
riuer  Patowomek.  Feare  being  gone  and  our  men  re- 
couered,  we  were  al  content  to  take  some  paines  to 
know  the  name  of  that  seuen-mile  broad  riuer.  For 
thirtie  miles  sayle  we  could  see  no  inhabitants.  Then 
we  were  conducted  by  two  Salvages  vp  a  little  bayed 
creeke  towards  Onawmanaient,  where  al  the  woodes 
were  layd  with  ambuscadoes  to  the  number  of  three 
or  foiire  thousand  Salvages,  so  strangly  paynted,  grimed 
and  disguised,  shouting,  yelling  and  crying  as  so  many 
spirits  from  hell  could  not  haue  showed  more  terrible. 
Many  brauadoes  they  made,  but  to  appease  their  furie, 
our  captaine  prepared  with  as  seeming  a  willingness 
as  they  to  encounter  them.  But  the  grazing  of  our 
bullets  vpon  the  water  (many  being  shot  on  purpose 
they  might  see  them)  with  the  ecco  of  the  woodes,  so 
amazed  them,  as  downe  went  their  bowes  and  ar- 
rowes;  and  (exchanging  hostages)  lames  Watkins 
was  sent  six  myles  vp  the  woodes  to  their  King's  habi- 
tation. We  were  kindly  vsed  of  those  Salvages  of 
whom  we  vnderstood  they  were  commanded  to  betray 
us  by  the  direction  of  Powhatan."  After  this,  he  was 
supplied  with  plenty  of  excellent  provisions  by  the 
subjects  of  Japazaws  and  furnished  by  that  sachem 
himself  with  guides  to  conduct  his  party  up  some  of 


102  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  streams.  Finally  he  "  kindly  requited  this  kinde 
king  and  al  his  kinde  people." 

Thus  auspiciously  commenced  a  valuable  acquaint* 
ance;  and  it  is  eminently  worthy  of  observation,  with 
what  fidelity  of  friendship  the  English  were  repaid 
for  the  courtesy  shown  to  this  intelligent  barbarian, 
and  for  the  justice  done  to  his  subjects.  Ever  after- 
wards, they  sustained  the  English  cause,  and  supplied 
the  English  necessities,  when  all  the  rest  of  their  coun- 
trymen were  willing  neither  to  treat  nor  trade  upon 
any  terms.  AVhen  Argall  arrived,  in  1614,  for  example, 
"  he  was  sent  to  the  riuer  Patawomeake,"  (as  Master 
Hamer  calls  it,)  "  to  trade  for  corne,  the  Salvages 
about  vs  hauing  small  quarter,  but  friends  and  foes  as 
they  found  aduantage  and  opportunitie."  Then,  Ar- 
gall "  hauing  entred  into  a  great  acquaintance  with 
Japazaws,  an  old  friend  of  Captaine  Smith's,  and  so 
to  all  our  nation,  ever  since  hee  discouevered  the  coun- 
trie,"  the  negotiation  ensued  which  resulted,  as  we 
have  heretofore  shown  in  getting  possession  of  the 
person  of  Pocahontas,  and  thereby  ultimately  effect- 
ing a  general  peace. 

The  warmth  of  the  Sachem's  gratitude  perhaps 
caused  him  to  lay  too  little  stress  on  the  hospitality 
due  to  a  princess  and  a  guest — if  guest  she  was — but 
the  struggle  which  attended  the  bargain,  and  the  sor- 
row which  followed  it,  both  show  that  Japazaws  was 
not  without  principle  or  feeling.  The  argument  which 
probably  turned  the  balance  in  his  mind,  respected  the 
prospect  of  a  treaty  to  be  brought  about  by  means  of 
Pocahontas,  in  which  she  and  Powhatan  had  much 
more  interest  than  himself.  The  bright  copper  kettle 
was  a  subordinate  consideration,  though  not  a  slight 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  103 

one.  We  have  seen,  that  the  Powhatan  Sachems  were 
willing  to  barter  almost  their  birthright  for  a  pound 
or  two  of  blue  beads.  At  all  events,  Japazaws  must 
have  credit  for  the  delicate  arrangement  by  which  the 
princess  was  first  notified  of  her  forlorn  condition. 
"  lapazaws  treading  oft  on  the  Captaine' s  foot,  to  remem- 
ber he  had  done  his  part,  the  captaine,  when  he  saw 
his  time,  persuaded  Pocahontas  to  the  gun-roome, 
faining  to  have  some  conference  with  lapazaws,  which 
was  only  that  shee  should  not  percieue  hee  was  any  way  gull- 
tie  of  her  captivitie" 

In  1619,  lapazous — so  called  by  master  John  Rolfe 
— came  to  Jamestown,  for  the  first  time,  to  desire  that 
two  ships  might  be  sent  to  trade  in  his  river,  corn  be- 
ing more  abundant  than  for  a  long  time  before.  Par- 
ties were  sent,  accordingly;  but,  for  some  reasons, 
not  explained,  they  met  with  indifferent  success  in  the 
commerce,  and  so  concluded  to  take  eight  hundred 
bushels  of  corn  by  force.  That  Japazaws  was  not 
much  in  fault,  would  appear  from  the  circumstance 
that  he  had  no  part  in  the  great  conspiracy  of  1622; 
immediately  after  which  we  find,  that  Captain  Cro- 
shaw  went  up  the  Potomac,  "  where  he  intended  to 
stay  and  trade  for  himself  by  reason  of  the  long  ac- 
quaintance he  had  with  this  King,  that,  so  earnestly 
entreated  him  now  to  be  his  friend,  his  countenancer 
his  captaine  and  director  against  the  Pazaticans,  the 
Nacotchtanks  and  Moyaons,  his  mortall  enemies." 

Croshaw  gladly  availed  himself  of  this  invitation, 
first  for  the  sake  of  conducting  his  commerce  to  ad- 
vantage, and  secondly,  for  the  purpose  of  "  keeping 
the  king  as  an  opposite  to  Opechancanough."  It  was 
soon  afterwards,  that  the  chieftain  last  named  sent  his 


104  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

messengers  to  Japazaws,  with  presents  of  beads,  and 
proposals  of  alliance  against  the  English — both  which 
were  rejected.  Then  we  are  told,  that  "  Captaine 
Hamer  arriuing  with  a  ship  and  a  pinnace  a  Patawo- 
meke,  was  kindly  entertained  both  by  him  [Croshaw] 
and  the  king."  The  two  were  living  snugly  together 
at  this  time;  using  common  efforts  for  supplying  the 
colony — or  at  least  the  captain — on  the  one  hand,  and 
for  suppressing  the  king's  enemies,  as  named  above, 
by  the  machinations  of  an  exile  Sachem,  who  had  taken 
refuge  at  Potomac  from  the  discontent  of  his  own  sub- 
jects. Angry  with  Japazaws  for  not  assisting  him  in 
the  recovery  of  his  dominion,  he  forged  an  artful  story 
about  Japazaws  and  his  tribe  having  recently  leagued 
with  Opechancanough. 

That  story  he  told  to  one  Isaac  Madison,  who  had 
just  been  sent  to  Potomac  by  Governor  Wyatt,  with 
a  reenforcement  of  thirty  men,  and  a  commission  ex- 
pressly charging  him  to  assist  the  Patowomekes 
against  their  enemies,  and  to  protect  them  and  their 
corn  to  his  utmost  power.  To  give  his  falsehood  the 
air  of  probability,  this  savage  lago  cunningly  com- 
mented upon  certain  circumstances  which  had  re- 
cently  occurred.  Madison  was  at  length  so  much 
alarmed,  that  sending  for  Japazaws  to  his  own  strong- 
house  (which  Japazaws  himself  had  assisted  him  in 
fortifying,)  he  locked  in  the  Sachem,  his  son,  and  their 
four  attendants,  set  over  them  a  guard  of  soldiers,  and 
then  made  a  violent  and  bloody  assault  upon  the  neigh- 
boring village  of  the  Indians.  The  king  remonstrated, 
but  in  vain.  He  denied  all  the  charges  brought  against 
him,  to  no  purpose.  Madison  then  led  him  and  the 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  105 

other  five  prisoners  to  his  ship,  promising  to  set  them 
at  liberty  as  soon  as  his  men  were  safely  on  board. 
The  king  meanwhile  prevented  his  subjects  from  an- 
noying the  English  on  the  way.  But,  contrary  to  all 
good  faith,  the  captives  were  carried  to  Jamestown, 
and  detained  there  till  the  following  October,  when 
they  were  taken  home  by  Captain  Hamer  and  ran- 
somed with  a  quantity  of  corn.  Madison  was  prose- 
cuted afterwards  for  his  infamous  conduct,  but  never 
punished.  The  Patowomekes  must  of  course  have 
been  estranged  by  it  from  the  English  interest,  though 
there  is  no  evidence  of  their  ever  opposing  them  in 
arms.  Japazaws  kept  himself  aloof,  and  is  no  more 
mentioned  in  history. 

The  death  of  Opechancanough  was  a  signal  for  the 
dissolution  of  the  famous  confederacy  which  it  had 
required  the  whole  genius  of  that  chieftain  and  his  pre- 
decessor to  form  and  maintain.  The  tribes  relapsed 
into  their  former  state  of  separate  government ;  and 
no  formidable  leader  ever  again  roused  them  to  union. 
The  nominal  successor  of  Opechancanough  was  Toto- 
potomoi,  whom  we  do  not  find  even  mentioned  until 
after  a  lapse  of  ten  years  from  his  accession.  The 
ancient  records  of  Virginia  show,  that  in  1651,  an  Act 
of  Assembly  was  passed,  assigning  and  securing  to 
Totopotomoi  such  lands  on  York  river  as  he  should 
choose ;  and  commissioners  were  appointed  to  conduct 
him  and  his  attendants  in  safety  to  Jamestown,  and 
from  that  place  home  again,  after  the  adjustment  of 
the  treaty.  The  termination  of  his  reign  and  life  was 
as  follows.  Five  years  subsequent  to  the  date  last  men- 
tioned, and  after  an  interval  of  profound  peace  with 
the  Indians  which  had  continued  for  fifteen  years,  in- 


106  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

formation  was  suddenly  received  at  Jamestown,  that 
a  body  of  inland  or  mountain  savages,  called  Recha- 
hecrians,  to  the  number  of  six  or  seven  hundred,  had 
seated  themselves  near  the  falls  of  James  river,  with 
the  apparent  intention  of  forming  a  regular  settlement. 
The  motives  of  this  singular  movement  have  never 
been  explained.  It  is  only  known,  that  it  gave  no  lit- 
tle alarm  to  the  colonists ;  and  that  active  preparations 
were  made  for  driving  the  new  enemy  back  to  their 
own  territories.  A  campaign  ensued,  and  a  battle  was 
fought;  and  in  this  battle  fell  the  king  of  the  Powha- 
tans,  gallantly  fighting  in  aid  of  the  English,  at  the 
head  of  one  hundred  warriors.  Victory  declared  for 
the  Rechahecrians,  but  a  peace  was  soon  after  nego- 
tiated with  them  on  terms  satisfactory  to  both  parties. 
Totopotomoi  has  at  least  his  name  immortalized 
by  the  author  of  Hudibras,  who  introduced  him  (to 
make  out  a  rhyme,)  in  his  noted  allusion  to  a  certain 
scandal  upon  the  New  England  colonists. 

A  precious  brother  having  slain, 

In  time  of  peace,  an  Indian, 

#          *      "    *          *          * 

The  mighty  Tottipotimoy 
Sent  to  our  elders  an  envoy, 
Complaining  sorely  of  the  breach 

Of  league,  held  forth  by  brother  Patch. 
*          *          * 

For  which  he  craved  the  saints  to  render 
Into  his  hands,  or  hang,  the  offender. 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  of  the  trade — 
A  man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  preach  and  cobble — 
Resolved  to  spare  him;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hogan  Mogan  too 
Impartial  justice,  in  his  stead  did 
Hang  an  old  weaver  that  was  bed-rid. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  107 

We  may  certainly  be  amused  with  the  wit  of  the 
satirist  in  this  case,  without  insisting  upon  a  strict 
proof  of  his  statements. 

Such  is  the  meagre  biography  of  the  last  of  the 
[Virginian  chieftains.  We  shall  close  this  chapter  with 
some  particulars  respecting  two  or  three  of  the  prin- 
cipal Indians  known,  at  an  earlier  date,  to  the  first 
colonists  of  Carolina.  One  of  these  was  Wingina,  the 
king  of  a  considerable  tract  of  territory  called  Wingan- 
dacoa,  bordering  upon  Albemarle  Sound.  Another  was 
Granganimo,  the  brother  of  Wingina.  Not  much  in- 
formation is  extant  concerning  either  of  these  persons ; 
but  the  little  which  is  known  derives  an  additional 
interest  both  from  the  style  oi  the  ancient  writers  of 
that  period,  and  from  the  circumstance  that  the  for- 
eign settlements  which  led  to  this  partial  acquaintance 
were  among  the  very  first  upon  the  continent. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1584,  Philip  Amidas  and 
Arthur  Barlow  sailed  from  the  west  of  England,  as 
commanders  of  two  barks,  fitted  out  by  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  a  vast  tract  of 
country  granted  to  him  by  a  patent  from  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, of  the  March  previous.  Taking  the  usual  route 
by  way  of  the  Canaries  and  West  Indies,  they  ap- 
proached the  coast  of  the  Southern  States,  (now  so 
called,)  on  the  second  of  July,  (enjoying  for  a  day  or 
two  "  a  most  delicate  sweete  smell  "  from  the  shore.) 
After  sailing  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  north, 
they  entered  the  first  (harbor  they  met  with,  returned 
thanks  to  God  for  their  safe  arrival,  went  to  view  the 
neighboring  land,  and  then  took  possession  of  it,  for- 
mally, "  for  the  Queene's  most  excellent  majestic." 
"  Which  done,"  writes  our  ancient  chronicler,  "  they 


108  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

found  their  first  landing-place  sandy  and  low,  but  so 
full  of  grapes  that  the  very  surge  of  the  sea  some- 
times overflowed  them ;  of  which  they  found  such 
plenty  in  all  places,  on  the  sand,  the  greene  soyle  and 
hils,  as  in  the  plaines,  as  well  on  euery  little  shrub  as 
also  climbing  towards  the  tops  of  high  cedars,  that 
they  did  thinke  in  the  world  were  not  the  like  abund- 
ance." 

This  beautiful  spot  was  the  island  of  Wococon, 
supposed  to  be  the  same  now  called  Ocracock.  The 
newly  arrived  adventurers  wandered  over  every  part 
of  it  with  mingled  feelings  of  amazement  and  delight. 
Goodly  woods  covered  the  green  bosom  of  its  quiet 
valleys.  There,  we  are  told,  were  the  highest  and  red- 
dest cedars  of  the  world,  "  bettering  them  of  Azores 
or  Libanus.  There,  were  Pynes,  Cypres,  Saxefras,  the 
Lentisk  that  beareth  mastick,  and  many  other  of  excel- 
lent smelle  and  qualitie.  Then  there  were  deere  and 
conies,  and  fowl  in  such  incredible  abundance,  that 
the  discharge  of  a  musket  would  raise  a  flock  of  them 
from  under  the  very  feet  of  the  travellers,  with  a 
noise,  '  as  if  an  army  of  men  had  shouted  altogether.' >: 

On  the  third  day,  three  of  the  natives  appeared  in 
a  canoe,  one  of  whom  went  fearlessly  aboard  an  Eng- 
lish bark.  The  crew  could  hold  no  conversation  with 
him ;  but  they  gave  him  a  shirt,  a  hat,  wine  and  meat 
These  he  liked  exceedingly;  and  so  having  satisfied 
his  curiosity  with  gazing,  he  paddled  off  to  the  dis- 
tance of  a  half  a  mile.  He  there  loaded  his  boat  with 
fish  in  a  short  time,  then  landed  on  a  point  near  by, 
divided  his  booty  into  two  heaps—"  pointing  one  heap 
to  the  ship,  and  the  other  to  the  pinnace  " — and  then 
departed.  This  pacific  interview  was  followed  with 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  109 

happy  consequences.  The  next  day  Granganimo  ap- 
peared, with  forty  or  fifty  of  his  people.  He  came  to 
the  point  with  his  train,  and  seated  himself  upon  a 
mat.  A  party  of  the  English  went  ashore,  well  armed ; 
but  instead  of  showing  any  indications  of  suspicion 
or  fear,  he  made  signs  to  them  to  be  seated  at  his 
side — stroking  their  heads  and  breasts,  as  also  his 
own,  no  doubt  in  testimony  of  his  good  will.  He  then 
made  a  long  speech  to  his  new  visitants — probably  of 
welcome — and  they  presented  diverse  gewgaws  to  him 
in  return,  which  he  politely  accepted.  He  was  so  much 
regarded  by  his  attendants,  that  none  of  them  would 
sit  or  even  speak  in  his  presence,  with  the  exception 
of  four.  To  them  the  English  gave  other  presents; 
but  they  were  immediately  put  into  Granganimo's 
hands,  who  signified,  with  an  air  of  dignity,  that  every- 
thing of  this  nature  must  be  at  his  own  disposal. 

At  the  next  interview,  the  English  entertained  him 
with  the  display  of  many  commodities  calculated  to 
dazzle  and  surprise  him.  But  none  of  them  struck  his 
fancy  like  a  large  bright  pewter  dish  or  plate,  and  a 
copper  kettle,  for  the  former  of  which  he  gave  twenty- 
deer-skins,  and  for  the  latter  fifty.  He  made  a  hole  in 
the  plate,  and  hung  it  about  his  neck  for  a  breastplate. 
Much  other  "  truck  "  passed  between  the  parties,  in 
such  good  humor  and  good  faith,  that  in  the  course  of 
a  day  or  two  a  meeting  took  place  on  board  one  of 
the  vessels,  and  the  Sachem  ate,  drank  and  made 
merry  with  the  English,  like  one  of  their  own  num- 
ber. Not  long  afterwards,  he  brought  his  wife  and 
children,  who  are  described  as  slender,  but  well-fav- 
ored and  very  modest.  The  wife  wore,  as  her  husband 
did,  a  band  of  white  coral  on  her  forehead,  and  in  her 


110  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ears  bracelets  of  pearl,  "  hanging  down  to  her  middle, 
of  the  size  of  large  peas."  Her  female  followers  had 
pendants  of  copper;  and  the  noblemen — as  those  who 
seemed  to  be  leading  characters  among  the  males  are 
entitled — had  five  or  six  in  each  ear.  All  were  dressed 
alike  in  skins.  The  women  wore  their  hair  long  on 
both  sides  of  the  head ;  the  men,  only  on  one. 

The  next  step  in  the  acquaintance,  and  a  very  nat- 
ural one,  was  that  great  numbers  of  people  began  to 
come  in  from  various  parts  of  the  neighboring  coast, 
bringing  skins,  coral  and  different  kinds  of  dyes  for 
sale ;  none  of  which,  however,  any  of  them  but  the 
noblemen  ("  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  heads, 
as  he  did,")  would  undertake  to  barter  in  presence  of 
Granganimo  himself.  The  character  of  the  Sachem 
showed  itself  more  and  more  to  advantage  at  every 
interview.  With  a  very  considerate  and  civil  regard 
for  the  comfort  of  the  English,  he  never  paid  them  a 
visit  without  previously  signifying  the  number  of 
boats  he  should  bring  with  him,  by  fires  kindled  upon 
the  shore ;  so  that  his  strength  might  be  exactly  esti- 
mated. He  invariably  kept,  with  perfect  punctuality, 
every  promise  which  he  made  in  the  course  of  traffic, 
as  he  also  regularly  sent  to  the  vessels,  daily,  a  gratu- 
itous fresh  supply  of  provisions — generally  a  brace  of 
bucks,  conies,  rabbits,  and  fish ;  and  sometimes  melons, 
walnuts,  cucumbers,  pears  and  other  roots  and  fruits. 
Finally,  he  invited  the  English  to  visit  him  at  his  own 
residence,  on  the  north  end  of  an  island  called  Roan- 
oke,  distant  about  twenty  miles  from  the  harbor  first 
made  by  the  colonists. 

The  invitation  was  promptly  accepted  by  a  party 
of  eight  of  the  English.  The  found  Granganimo's 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  111 

village  to  consist  of  nine  houses,  built  of  cedar,  and 
fortified  with  sharp  palisades,  "  and  the  entrance  like 
a  turnpik."  The  Sachem  himself  was  absent  when 
they  arrived;  but  his  wife  came  out  eagerly  to  meet 
them.  Some  of  her  people  she  commanded  to  draw 
their  boat  ashore,  that  it  might  not  suffer  from  the 
sea's  dashing;  others  to  carry  the  English  on  their 
backs  through  the  surf,  and  put  away  their  oars  under 
cover.  Meanwhile  she  conducted  her  guests  into  a 
house  containing  five  apartments.  As  they  were  wet 
with  rain,  she  had  a  large  fire  kindled  in  an  inner  apart- 
ment, washed  their  feet  and  their  clothes,  and  then 
served  up  a  bountiful  dinner  in  another  room.  "  She 
set  on  the  bord  standing  along  the  house  somewhat 
like  frumentie,  sodden  venison  and  rosted  fish ;  and  in 
like  manner  mellons  raw,  boyled  rootes,  and  fruites 
of  diuers  kindes." 

She  manifested  the  utmost  anxiety  for  the  comfort 
of  her  guests.  While  they  were  eating,  two  or  three 
Indians  happened  to  enter,  with  bows  and  arrows, 
upon  which  the  English  started  up  and  laid  hold  of 
their  arms.  She  perceived  their  distrust,  but  instead 
of  being  offended,  caused  the  weapons  of  the  intrud- 
ers to  be  snapped  asunder,  and  themselves  to  be 
beaten.  Still  the  company  did  not  feel  perfectly  at 
home,  and  towards  evening  they  retired  to  their  boat. 
This  grieved  her  not  a  little ;  but  she  sent  them  a  sup- 
per. When  she  saw  them  jealously  pushing  off  some 
rods  from  the  shore  for  a  safe  anchorage,  she  sent 
them  mats  to  shelter  them  from  the  rain,  and  directed 
a  guard  of  her  people  to  watch  during  the  night  upon 
the  shore.  On  the  whole,  it  has  been  justly  observed, 
that  there  is  scarcely  in  all  history  a  picture  of  unaf- 


112  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

fected  and  generous  hospitality  more  striking  than 
this. 

Wingina,  meanwhile,  lay  at  his  chief  town,  ill  of 
wounds  he  had  recently  received  in  battle ;  and  the 
English  saw  nothing  of  him.  Nor  was  any  thing  more 
seen  of  Granganimo,  until  April  of  the  next  year, 
when  Sir  Richard  Grenville  brought  out  a  colony  of 
one  hundred  and  eight  persons,  whom  he  left  on  the 
Carolinian  shore  at  Hatteras.  Granganimo  then  came 
on  board  his  ship  in  his  usually  friendly  and  fearless 
manner.  But  it  was  his  last  visit.  He  died  during  the 
year  1585. 

This  event  produced  a  great  alteration  of  affairs 
in  the  colony.  They  were  settled  on  Roanoke,  an 
island  at  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  Sound,  and  that  situ- 
ation made  it  quite  convenient  for  them  to  visit  the 
coast  and  the  country  in  various  directions,  which 
they  were  instructed  to  do.  They  explored,  there- 
fore, in  the  course  of  their  expeditions,  as  far  south 
as  beyond  Pamlico  river;  and  as  far  north  as  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Chesapeaks,  on  the  bay  of  their  own  name. 
They  also  went  up  Albemarle  Sound  and  Chowan 
river,  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles,  to  a  nation  of  In- 
dians called  Chowanocks,  living  above  the  junction  of 
the  Nottaway  and  the  Meherrin. 

We  mention  these  particulars  for  the  sake  of  intro- 
ducing Menatenon,  the  king  of  the  tribe  last  named. 
His  province  is  described  as  the  largest  on  the  whole 
length  of  the  river;  and  the  town  of  Chowanock,  it  is 
said,  could  bring  seven  hundred  bowmen  into  the 
field.  Menatenon  was  lame — owing  probably  to  a 
wound  in  battle — but  writes  an  old  chronicler  "  he 
had  more  understanding  than  all  the  rest."  He 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  113 

amused  the  colonists,  and  especially  their  governor, 
Mr.  Lane,  with  a  story  about  a  copper  mine  and  a 
pearl  fishery,  somewhere  along  the  coast.  He  also 
gave  a  strange  account  of  the  head  of  the  river  Mora- 
tuc,  (now  called  the  Roanoke,)  where  lived  a  king  (he 
affirmed,)  whose  country  bordered  on  the  sea,  and 
who  took  such  an  abundance  of  pearls  from  it,  that  not 
only  his  skins  and  his  noblemen's,  but  his  beds  and 
his  houses  were  garnished  with  that  ornament.  Mr. 
Lane  expressed  a  wish  to  see  a  specimen  of  them ;  but 
Manatenon  readily  replied,  that  the  king  of  that  rich 
country  reserved  them  expressly  for  trading  with  white 
men. 

The  source  of  the  Moratuc  was  described  as  spring- 
ing out  of  a  vast  rock,  standing  so  near  the  sea,  that 
in  storms  the  surges  beat  over  it.  As  for  the  copper, 
that  he  said  was  generally  collected  in  great  bowls, 
covered  with  skin,  at  the  place  particularly  described, 
and  yielded  two  parts  of  metal  for  three  of  ore.  There 
might  be  a  shadow  of  foundation  for  some  of  these  re- 
lations; but  the  chief  object  of  Menatenon  —  who  was 
a  captive  among  the  colonists  at  the  time  of  his  mak- 
ing them — must  have  been  to  render  himself  an  impor- 
tant man  in  their  eyes,  and  perhaps  to  lead  them  into 
some  hazardous  enterprise.  Hearing  them  talk  much 
about  mines  and  pearls,  and  the  South  Sea  —  which 
were  all  hobbies  with  the  credulous  adventures  of  that 
period  —  he  adapted  his  discourse  accordingly,  and 
his  eager  hearers  were  simple  enough  to  believe  every 
thing  he  asserted. 

They  even  undertook  the  proposed  expedition  in 
search  of  the  copper  mine  and  the  South  Sea;  and 
had  actually  advanced  nearly  two  hundred  miles  up 

M.  of  H.-XXX-S 


114  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  country  before  famine  and  fatigue,  and  the  hostil- 
ity of  innumerable  savages  compelled  them  to  turn 
about.  It  seems  that  Wingina  had  heard  of  this  expe- 
dition—  perhaps  from  Menatenon  —  and  like  that 
cunning  though  crippled  Sachem,  he  did  all  in  his 
power  to  make  it  both  specious  in  prospect  and  fatal 
in  result.  After  having  said  every  thing  to  excite 
the  curiosity  and  avarice  of  the  colonists,  till  he  saw 
them  determined  to  go,  he  sent  word  to  the  different 
powerful  tribes  living  on  their  proposed  route,  that 
the  English  were  coming  against  them;  and  that  the 
sooner  they  suppressed  this  new  enemy,  the  better. 
Hence  it  was,  that  the  party  several  times  came  very 
near  being  cut  off  by  the  savages;  and  hence,  instead 
of  being  plentifully  supplied  with  choice  provisions, 
as  expected,  they  were  glad  to  live  several  days  upon 
two  dogs  '  boiled  down  with  saxefras  leaves/ 

Fortunately  for  the  colony,  several  circumstances 
concurred  in  the  period  of  distress  which  succeeded 
this  enterprise,  to  prevent  Wingina  from  makirg  open 
war  upon  them.  One  was  the  influence  of  his  father, 
Ensenore,  the  best  friend,  next  to  Granganimo,  whom 
the  English  had  ever  found  among  the  natives.  But 
the  safe  return  of  the  expedition  made  a  stronger  im- 
pression upon  the  mind  of  Wingina.  Rumors  had 
been  circulated  that  the  party  were  all  starved  or  slain ; 
and  then  he  had  "  begun  to  blaspheme  our  God  that 
would  suffer  it,  and  not  defend  vs ;  so  that  old  Ense- 
nore had  no  more  credit  for  us  for  he  began  by  al 
the  deuises  he  could  to  inuade  vs."  But  the  return  of 
the  expedition  after  having  defeated  all  enemies — as- 
swaged  a  little  his  deuises,  and  brought  Ensenore  in 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  115 

respect  againe  that  our  God  was  good,  and  wee  their 
friends,  and  our  foes  should  perish,  &c." 

The  last  observation  suggests  another  circumstance 
which  went  to  restrain  the  enmity  of  the  chieftain. 
This  was  a  mortal  epidemic,  of  unknown  character, 
which  prevailed  exclusively  among  the  Indians,  and 
carried  off  great  numbers.  The  colonists  had  the 
art  to  make  these  simple  beings  regard  it  as  punish- 
ment for  the  hostility  hitherto  manifested  towards  the 
English.  Wingina  himself,  who  lived  in  the  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  the  colony,  was  exceedingly  over- 
come by  his  superstition.  Twice  he  was  very  sick, 
and  came  near  dying.  He  then  dismissed  the  priests 
who  usually  attended  him,  and  sent  for  some  of  the 
English  to  pray  for  him,  and  to  be  —  as  Master  Heriot 
expresses  it,  in  his  "  Observations "  upon  this  voy- 
age —  "a  meenes  to  our  God  that  hee  might  Hue  with 
him  after  death."  He  supposed  that  he  had  offended 
the  Deity  of  the  English  by  his  blasphemy.  They 
were  themselves  in  great  repute,  of  course.  "  This 
marueilous  accident  in  all  the  country  wrought  so 
strange  opinion  of  vs  that  they  could  not  tell,  whether 
to  thinke  vs  Gods  or  men."  Of  the  two,  they  consid- 
ered the  former  most  probable,  for  the  whites  having 
no  women  among  them,  the  inference  in  their  minds 
was,  that  instead  of  being  born  of  women,  they  were 
men  of  an  old  generation  many  years  past,  and  risen 
again  from  immortality.  All  which,  we  are  told,  so 
changed  the  heart  of  Pemissapan  ( —  a  name  assumed 
by  Wingina  since  the  death  of  Granganimo — )  that, 
at  Ensenore's  suggestion,  when  the  English  were  re- 
duced to  extremities  for  want  of  food,  he  sent  in  his 


116  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

subjects  to  make  fish-weirs  for  them,  and  to  plant 
the  fields  they  had  hitherto  thought  of  abandoning. 

But  in  April,  1586,  Ensenore  died ;  and  as  Wingina 
had  now  completely  recovered  his  health,  and  most 
of  the  enemies  which  the  colony  had  among  the  tribes 
took  this  opportunity  of  renewing  their  machinations, 
he  relasped  into  his  former  hostility.  Arrangements 
were  made  for  collecting  seven  or  eight  hundred  In- 
dians, under  pretence  of  solemnizing  the  funeral  of 
Ensenore.  Half  of  them  were  to  lie  in  ambush  for 
those  of  the  colonists  who  daily  straggled  along  the 
coast  in  pursuit  of  crabs,  fish,  and  other  provisions. 
The  other  detachment  was  to  assault  the  settlement 
of  Roanoke,  at  a  signal  by  fire  in  the  night.  Even  the 
particular  houses  were  allotted  to  be  burned  by  par- 
ticular persons  or  parties.  Twenty  were  charged  to 
beset  the  dwelling  of  Governor  Lane,  and  fire  the 
reeds  which  covered  it;  this  would  bring  him  out, 
naked  and  unarmed,  and  then  they  could  despatch  him 
without  danger.  The  same  order  was  made  for  Mr. 
Heriot's,  and  various  other  habitations,  which  were 
to  be  fired  at  the  same  instant.  In  the  meantime,  as 
it  was  of  great  consequence  to  reduce  the  strength  of 
the  colony  by  dispersing  it,  Wingina  provided  for 
breaking  up  the  weirs,  and  strictly  prohibited  all  trade 
in  provisions.  He  kept  himself  aloof  also  with  a 
similar  view. 

The  plan  was  well  concerted,  and  not  without  suc- 
cess. The  Governor  was  soon  obliged  to  send  off 
twenty  of  the  colonists  to  a  part  of  the  coast  called 
Croatan,  merely  that  they  might  collect  the  means  of 
their  own  sustenance.  Ten  more  were  sent  to  Hatte- 
:ras  for  the  same  purpose;  and  other  small  companies 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  117 

scattered  themselves  about  on  the  seacoast,  to  gather 
oysters  and  roots.  But  the  ingenuity  of  the  civilized 
party,  driven  to  desperation,  finally  prevailed  against 
the  chieftain's  naked  shrewdness.  The  Governor  sent 
him  word  he  was  going  to  Croatan,  to  meet  an  English 
squadron  which  had  touched  there  with  supplies, 
covering  the  object  of  this  fabrication  by  also  request- 
ing the  service  of  a  few  Indians  to  fish  and  hunt  for 
the  colony.  Desirous  of  gaining  time,  Wingina 
promptly  replied,  that  he  would  himself  visit  Mr.  Lane 
in  eight  days.  No  doubt  he  expected  to  complete 
his  conspiracy  in  this  interval. 

But  the  Governor  was  not  so  to  be  deceived.  He 
resolved,  on  the  contrary,  to  pay  the  Sachem  a  visit 
the  next  day  after  receiving  his  answer.  Previous  to 
that,  however,  he  proposed  to  surprise  the  Indians  at 
Wingina's  old  settlement  on  the  island  (Roanoke)  and 
to  take  their  canoes  from  them.  But  they,  too,  were 
on  the  alert,  so  entirely  had  Wingina  prepared  them 
for  emergencies.  "  For  when  I  sent  to  take  the 
canows,"  says  Mr.  Lane  in  his  Journal,  "  they  met 
one  going  from  the  shore,  overthrew  her,  and  cut 
off  two  Salvages'  heads;  wherevpon  the  cry  arose, 
being  by  their  spies  perceived;  for  they  kept  as  good 
watch  oner  vs  as  we  oner  them."  A  skirmish  ensued, 
and  the  Indians  fled  into  the  woods.  The  next  morn- 
ing, the  Governor  crossed  over  to  a  place  on  the  main 
called  Dassamonpeak,  and  sent  Wingina  word  he  was 
going  to  Croatan,  and  having  certain  complaints  to 
make  to  him  respecting  his  subjects,  would  be  happy 
to  call  upon  him  by  the  way.  On  the  faith  of  this 
proposal,  the  chieftain,  with  several  of  his  principal 
men,  met  the  Governor's  party  on  their  route.  Bat 


118  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

no  conversation  took  place.  The  Governor  gave  an 
appointed  watchword  to  his  men  on  approaching,  and 
they  fired  upon  the  Indians.  Wingina  was  shot 
through  with  a  pistol-bullet,  and  fell.  Recovering  his 
feet  immediately,  he  fled,  and  was  near  escaping  his 
pursuers,  when  an  Irish  boy  shot  him  a  second  time. 
He  was  soon  overtaken,  and  then  beheaded  on  the 
spot. 

We  do  not  feel  disposed  to  dismiss  these  biogra- 
phies of  the  Carolinian  Sachems,  short  and  slight  as 
they  are,  without  offering  such  comment  as  they 
most  obviously  suggest.  It  appears  singular,  at  first 
sight,  that  so  striking  a  difference  of  feeling  towards 
the  English  should  be  manifested  by  the  two  brothers. 
Perhaps  there  was  fault  on  both  sides.  Master  Heriot 
admits,  that  some  of  the  colony,  "  towards  the  latter 
end  showed  themselves  too  furious,  in  slaying  some 
of  the  people  in  some  Townes,  vpon  cause  that  on 
our  part  might  haue  been  borne  with  more  mildnesse." 
We  have  seen  with  how  little  ceremony  the  Governor 
proceeded  to  take  summary  measures.  He  was  driven 
to  extremities,  indeed,  but  that  in  itself  was  no  fault 
of  the  Indians  —  they  were  not  under  obligation  to 
supply  him,  though  it  appears  that  they  sometimes 
did,  gratuitously. 

Perhaps  a  remark  should  be  made  respecting  a 
provocation  which  occurred  when  the  colony  was  first 
left  by  Grenville.  The  English  went  about  ranging 
the  coast  from  tribe  to  tribe,  and  from  town  to  town 
—  which  very  circumstance,  besides  being  probably 
accompanied  by  other  trespasses,  and  at  all  events 
wholly  unlicensed  by  the  natives,  could  hardly  be 
looked  upon  as  either  friendly  or  just.  Then,  "  at 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  113 

Aquascosack  the  Indians  stole  a  silver  cup,  wherefore 
we  burnt  the  towne,  and  spoyled  their  corne,  and  so  re- 
turned our  fleet  at  Tocokon."  This  was  certainly 
no  way  to  make  friends,  and  those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  Carolinian  history  subsequent  to  Wingina's 
death,  will  remember  that  the  injury  was  by  no  means 
forgotten.  Finally,  setting  aside  the  attempt  to  jus- 
tify either  party,  it  will  be  noticed,  by  such  as  may  take 
the  pains  to  look  into  the  annals  of  this  period,  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  information  which  the  Governor 
received  of  the  Sachem's  motives  and  movements 
came  through  the  medium  of  that  shrewd  cripple 
Menatenon,  and  his  son  Shiko.  Whatever  the  facts 
might  be,  then,  the  evidence  was  clearly  inadequate 
if  not  wholly  inadmissible. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Synopsis  of  the  New  England  Indians  at  the  date  of  the  Plymouth  Settle- 
ment.— The  Pokanoket  confederacy. — The  Wampanoag  tribe. — Their 
first  head-Sachem  known  to  the  English,  Massasoit. — The  first  inter- 
view between  him  and  the  whites. — His  visit  to  Plymouth,  in  1621. — 
Treaty  of  peace  and  friendship. — Embassy  sent  to  him  at  Sowams,  by 
the  English. — Anecdotes  respecting  it. — He  is  suspected  of  treachery 
or  hostility,  in  1622. — His  sickness  in  1623. — A  second  deputation  visits 
him. — Ceremonies  and  results  of  the  visit. — His  intercourse  with  other 
tribes. — Conveyances  of  land  to  the  English. — His  death  and  charac- 
ter.— Anecdotes. 

THE  clearest,  if  not  the  completest  classification 
of  the  New  England  Indians,  at  the  date  of 
the  settlement  of  Plymouth,  includes  five  prin- 
cipal confederacies,  each  occupying  their  own  territory, 
and  governed  by  their  own  chiefs.  The  Pequots  inhab- 
ited the  eastern  part  of  Connecticut.  East  of  them 
were  the  Narraghansetts,  within  whose  limits  Rhode 
Island,  and  various  smaller  islands  in  the  vicinity, 
were  comprised.  The  Pawtucket  tribes  were  situated 
chiefly  in  the  southern  section  of  New  Hampshire, 
the  Massachusetts  tribes  around  the  bay  of  their  own 
name ;  and  between  these  upon  the  north  and  the 
Narraghansetts  upon  the  south,  the  Pokanokets  claimed 
a  tract  of  what  is  now  Bristol  county,  (Rhode  Island) 
bounded  laterally  by  Taunton  and  Pawtucket  rivers 
(120) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

for  some  distance,  together  with  large  parts  of  Ply- 
mouth and  Barnstable. 

This  confederacy  exercised  some  dominion  over 
the  Indians  of  Nantucket  and  Martha's  Vineyard,  and 
over  several  of  the  nearest  Massachusetts  and  Nipmuck 
tribes; — the  latter  name  designating  an  interior  terri- 
tory, now  mostly  within  the  boundaries  of  Worcester 
county.  Of  the  Pokanokets,  there  were  nine  separate 
cantons  or  tribes,  each  goverened  by  its  own  petty 
sagamore  or  squaw,  but  all  subject  to  one  grand- 
sachem,  who  was  also  the  particular  chief  of  the  Wam- 
panoag  canton,  living  about  Montaup. 

The  first  knowledge  we  have  of  the  Wampanoags, 
and  of  the  individuals  who  ruled  over  them  and  the 
other  Pokanokets,  is  furnished  in  the  collections  of 
Purchas,  on  the  authority  of  a  Captain  Demrer,  the 
Master  Thomas  Dirmire  spoken  of  by  John  Smith  in 
his  New  England  Trialls,  as  "  an  vnderstanding  and  in- 
dustrious gentleman,  who  was  also  with  him  amongst 
the  Frenchmen/'  Dermer  was  sent  out  from  England 
in  1619,  by  Sir  F.  Gorges,  on  account  of  thePresident 
and  Council  of  New  England,  in  a  ship  of  two  hundred 
tons.  He  had  a  Pokanoket  Indian  with  him,  named 
Squanto,  one  of  about  twenty  who  had  been  kidnapped 
on  the  coast  by  Captain  Hunt,  in  1614,  and  sold  as 
slaves  at  Malaga  for  twenty  pounds  a  man.  Squanto 
and  a  few  others  of  the  captives  were  either  rescued 
or  redeemed,  by  the  benevolent  interposition  of  some 
of  the  monks  upon  that  island.  "  When  I  arrived," 
says  Dermer  in  his  letter  to  Purchas,  "  at  my  savage's 
native  country,  finding  all  dead,  I  travelled  along  a 
day's  journey  to  a  place  called  Nummastaquyt,  where, 
finding  inhabitants,  I  despatched  a  messenger  a  day's 


122  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

journey  further  west,  to  Pacanokit,  which  bordereth 
on  the  sea ;  whence  came  to  see  me  tzvo  kings  attended 
with  a  guard  of  fifty  armed  men,  who  being  well  satis- 
fied with  that  my  savage  and  I  discoursed  unto  them% 
(being  desirous  of  novelty)  gave  me  content  in  what- 
soever I  demanded.  Here  I  redeemed  a  Frenchman, 
and  afterwards  another  at  Masstachusitt,  who  threes 
years  since  escaped  shipwreck  at  the  northeast  of 
Cape  Cod."  One  of  these  two  kings, —  as  the  sachems 
were  frequently  entitled  by  the  early  writers, —  must 
have  been  Massasoit,  so  well  known  afterwards  to 
the  Plymouth  settlers ;  and  probably  the  second  was 
his  brother  Quadepinah.  The  "  native  country "  of 
Squanto  was  the  vicinity  of  Plymouth,  where  the  In- 
dians are  understood  to  have  been  kidnapped.  Thou- 
sands of  them,  there,  as  well  as  elsewhere  along  the 
whole  coast  of  New  England,  had  been  swept  off  by 
a  terrible  pestilence. 

The  first  appearance  of  Massasoit,  after  the  set- 
tlement of  Plymouth,  was  upon  the  22d  of  March, 
1621,  a  week  previous  to  which  some  information 
concerning  him  had  been  gathered  from  an  Indian 
named  Samoset,  who  entered  the  village  with  great 
boldness,  and  greeted  the  inhabitants  with  a  "  wel- 
come." On  the  second  occasion,  he  came  in  with  four 
others, —  having  engaged  to  introduce  some  of  the 
Wampanoags,  to  traffic  in  furs, —  among  whom  was 
Squanto,  at  that  time  probably  the  sole  remaining 
native  of  Plymouth.  This  party  brought  a  few  fish 
and  skins  to  sell,  and  informed  the  English  that  the 
great  sachem,  with  his  brother  and  his  whole  force, 
were  near  at  hand.  Massasoit  soon  appeared  upon 
the  neighbouring  hill,  with  sixty  men.  As  they  seemed 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  123 

unwilling  to  approach  nearer,  Squanto  was  despatched 
to  ascertain  their  designs ;  and  they  gave  him  to  under- 
stand, that  they  wished  some  one  should  be  sent  to 
hold  a  parley. 

Edward  Winslow  was  appointed  to  this  office, 
and  he  immediately  carried  presents  to  the  sachem, 
which  were  willingly  accepted.  He  addressed  him 
also  in  a  speech  of  some  length,  which  the  Indians 
listened  to  with  the  decorous  gravity  characteristic 
of  the  race,  ill-explained  as  it  was  by  the  interpreter. 
The  purport  of  the  speech  was,  that  King  James 
saluted  the  sachem,  his  brother,  with  the  words  of 
peace  and  love;  that  he  accepted  him  as  his  friend 
and  ally;  and  that  the  Governor  desired  to  see  him, 
and  to  trade  and  treat  with  him  upon  friendly  terms. 
Massasoit  appears  to  have  made  no  special  reply  to 
this  harangue,  for  the  sufficient  reason,  probably,  that 
he  did  not  precisely  comprehend  the  drift  of  it.  He 
paid  more  attention  to  the  sword  and  armor  of  Wins- 
low  while  he  spoke ;  and  when  he  had  ceased  speaking, 
signified  his  disposition  to  commence  trade  forthwith 
by  buying  them.  They  were  not,  however,  for  sale ;  and 
so,  leaving  Winslow  in  the  custody  of  his  brother, 
he  crossed  a  brook  between  him  and  the  English, 
taking  with  him  twenty  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  were 
directed  to  leave  their  bows  and  arrows  behind  them. 
Beyond  the  brook  he  was  met  by  Captain  Standish 
*ind  another  gentleman,  with  an  escort  of  six  armed 
men,  who  exchanged  salutations  with  him,  and 
attended  him  to  one  of  the  best  houses  in  the  village. 
Here,  a  green  rug  was  spread  upon  the  floor,  and  three 
or  four  cushions  piled  on  it  for  his  accommodation. 
The  Governor  then  entered  the  house,  followed  by 


124  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

several  soldiers,  and  preceded  by  a  flourish  of  a  drunf 
and  trumpet, —  a  measure  probably  recommended  by 
Standish,  and  which  answered  the  purpose  of  delight- 
ing and  astounding  the  Wampanoags,  even  beyond 
expectation.  It  was  a  deference  paid  to  their  sover 
eign,  which  pleased  as  well  as  surprised  ^hem.  The 
sachem  and  the  Governor  now  kissed  each  other,  and 
after  the  interchange  of  certain  other  civilities,  sat 
down  together,  and  regaled  themselves  with  what 
Neal  calls  an  entertainment.  It  consisted,  it  seems^ 
chiefly  of  "  strong  waters,  a  thing  the  savages  love 
very  well ;  and  the  sachem  took  such  a  large  draught 
of  it  at  once,  as  made  him  sweat  all  the  while  he  staid." 
A  treaty  was  concluded  upon  this  occasion,  the  term?- 
of  which  were  as  follows. 

1.  That  neither  he,  nor  any  of  his   (Massasoit's) 
should  injure  or  hurt  any  of  their  people. 

2.  That  if  any  of  his  did  any  hurt  to  any  of  theirs, 
he  should  send  the  offender,  that  they  might  punish 
him. 

3.  That  if  any  thing  were  taken  away  from  any 
of  theirs,  he  should  cause  it  to  be  restored,  and  they 
should  do  the  like  to  his. 

4.  That  if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  they 
would  aid  him;  and  if  any  did  war  against  them,  he 
should  aid  them. 

5.  That  he  should  send  to  his  neighbor  confed- 
erates, to  inform  them  of  this,  that  they  might  not 
wrong  them,  but  might  be  likewise  comprised  in  these 
conditions  of  peace. 

6.  That  when  his  came  to  them  upon  any  occa- 
sion, they  should  leave  their  arms  behind  them. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  125 

7.  That  so  doing,  their  Sovereign  Lord,  King 
james,  would  esteem  him  as  his  friend  and  ally. 

"  All  which,"  says  Morton, —  and  some  other  annal- 
ists agree  with  him, — "  he  liked  very  well,  and  withal, 
at  the  same  time,  acknowledged  himself  content  to 
become  the  subject  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King 
aforesaid,  his  heirs  and  successors ;  and  gave  unto 
him  all  the  lands  adjacent,  to  him  and  his  heirs  for- 
ever." This  acknowledgment  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  King,  if  it  really  made  a  part  of  the  agreement, 
certainly  deserved  a  place  as  a  distinct  article ;  being 
by  far  more  important  than  all  the  others.  The  grant 
of  land, —  and  this  grant  constituted  the  entire  title 
of  the  Plymouth  settlers,  as  against  the  natives, —  is 
confirmed  by  subsequent  transactions,  and  especially 
by  the  acts  of  Massasoit.  But  his  submission  to  the 
authority  of  King  James,  as  a  subject  to  a  sovereign, 
is  more  doubtful ;  nor  does  it  by  any  means  accord 
with  the  seventh  express  article.  That  the  treaty 
itself  also  was  not  preserved  precisely  as  it  was  prob- 
ably understood,  may  be  inferred  from  the  variations 
of  it  given  by  Mourt  in  his  Relation.  According  to 
his  sixth  article,  for  example,  a  just  reciprocity  is 
maintained,  by  providing  that  the  English  should  leave 
their  pieces  behind  them  in  their  interviews  with  the 
Indians.  This  distinction  between  alliance  and  sub- 
jection,—  at  least  in  the  mind  of  one  of  the  parties, — 
seems  to  have  been  too  much  overlooked. 

Such,  however,  was  the  first  treaty  made  with  the 
Indians  of  New  England, —  a  passage  in  its  history 
of  great  interest.  It  was  made  upon  peaceable  and 
honorable  terms.  The  Indians  came  in  voluntarily  to 
make  it;  and  though  they  received  as  a  consideration 


126  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

for  the  immense  territory  granted  at  the  time,  only  a 
pair  of  knives,  and  a  copper  chain  with  a  jewel  in  it 
for  the  grand  sachem;  and  a  knife,  a  jewel  to  hang  in 
his  ear,  a  pot  of  strong  water,  a  good  quantity  of  bis- 
cuit, and  some  butter  for  Quadepinah, —  yet  were  all 
parties  satisfied  with  the  substance  as  they  were  grati- 
fied by  the  ceremonies  of  the  agreement.  It  is  pleasing 
to  learn  from  history,  that  this  simple  negotiation 
was  remembered  and  adhered  to  on  both  sides  for  the 
unparalleled  term  of  half  a  century;  nor  was  Massa- 
soit,  or  any  of  the  Wampanoags  during  his  lifetime, 
convicted  by  the  harshest  revilers  of  his  race,  of  having 
violated,  or  attempted  to  violate,  any  of  its  plain,  just, 
and  deliberate  provisions. 

The  two  parties  seem  to  have  regarded  each  other 
on  this  occasion  with  the  curiosity  of  equal  interest 
and  minuteness ;  for  while  the  sachem  was  inspect- 
ing the  armor  of  Winslow,  and  his  Wampanoags 
exerting  themselves  to  blow  the  trumpet  in  imitation 
of  their  hosts,  the  English  by-standers,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  making  their  own  observations.  The  writer 
of  the  Journal  of  a  Plantation  settled  at  Plymouth,  describes 
Massasoit  as  "  a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  best  years,  an 
able  body,  grave  of  countenance,  and  spare  of  speech." 
In  his  attire,  he  is  said  to  have  differed  little  from  the 
rest  of  his  followers,  excepting  that  he  wore  a  large 
chain  of  white  bone-beads  about  his  neck,  which  was, 
probably,  one  of  the  royal  insignia;  and  that  he  had 
suspended  from  it  behind,  a  little  bag  of  tobacco,  which 
lie  drank,  says  the  writer,  "  and  gave  us  to  drink."  His 
appearance  otherwise  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
particularly  elegant ;  his  face  being  painted  of  a  sad 
red,  like  murrey,  and  both  head  and  face  so  oiled  that 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  127 

he  "  looked  greasily/'  His  only  weapon  was  a  long 
knife,  swinging  at  his  bosom  by  a  string.  His  atten- 
dants were  probably  arrayed  for  this  great  occasion 
with  peculiar  attention  to  etiquette ;  some  of  them 
being  painted  black,  others  red,  yellow,  or  white ;  some 
Wearing  crosses  and  "  other  antick  works ;"  and  sev- 
eral of  them  dressed  in  furs  of  skins  of  various  descrip^ 
tions.  Being  tall,  strong  men  also,  and  the  first  natives 
whom  most  of  the  Colonists  had  ever  seen  near  at 
hand,  they  must  have  made  them  a  somewhat  impos- 
ing, as  well  as  interesting  spectacle.  , 

Leaving  a  few  of  their  number  among  the  whites, 
as  hostages,  the  Wampanoags  retired  to  the  woods 
about  half  a  mile  distant  and  spent  the  night;  and 
Winslow  acted  as  their  hostage.  The  English  were 
not  yet  prepared,  it  would  seem,  to  put  faith  in  the 
professions  of  savages ;  for  they  kept  strict  watch  all 
night,  besides  retaining  the  security  just  named. 
Their  guests,  on  the  contrary,  enjoyed  themselves 
quietly  in  the  woods ;  and  there  were  some  of  their 
wives  and  children  with  them,  who  must  have  come 
upon  this  courteous  visit  from  a  distance  of  forty 
miles.  The  sachem  sent  several  of  his  people  the 
next  morning,  to  signify  his  wish  that  some  of  his  new 
friends  would  honor  him  with  their  presence.  Stan- 
dish  and  one  Alderton  "  went  venturously "  among 
them,  and  were  cordially,  if  not  royally  welcomed 
•with  an  entertainment  of  tobacco  and  ground-nuts. 
"  We  cannot  yet  conceive,"  continues  our  still  unsat- 
isfied informant,  "  but  that  he  is  willing  to  have  peace 
with  us  ;  for  they  have  seen  our  people  sometimes  alone 
two  or  three  in  the  woods  at  work  and  fowling,  when 
they  offered  them  no  harm,  as  they  might  easily  have 


128  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

done."  They  remained  at  their  encampment  till  late 
in  the  forenoon;  the  Governor  requiting  the  sachem's 
liberality,  meanwhile,  by  sending  an  express  messenger 
for  his  large  kettle,  and  filling  it  with  dry  peas.  "  This 
pleased  them  well ;  and  so  they  went  their  way ;" — the 
one  party  as  much  relieved,  no  doubt,  as  the  other  was 
gratified. 

We  meet  with  Massasoit  again  in  July  1621;  an 
embassy  being  then  sent  to  him  at  his  own  residence, 
Montaup  or  Sowams.  This  embassy  consisted  of  Ed- 
ward Winslow  and  Stephen  Hopkins ;  and  the  objects 
of  it  were,  says  Mourt,  "  that  forasmuch  as  his  subjects 
came  often  and  without  fear  upon  all  occasions  amongst  us" 
so  the  English  went  now  to  visit  him,  carrying 
with  them  a  coat  from  the  Governor  to  his  friend  the 
sachem,  as  a  token  of  good  will,  and  a  desire  to  live 
peaceably.  It  was  farther  intimated,  though  with  great 
delicacy,  that  whereas  his  people  came  frequently  and 
in  great  numbers  to  Plymouth,  wives,  children,  and 
all,  and  wrere  always  welcome, — yet  being  but  strangers 
in  the  land,  and  not  confident  how  their  corn  might 
prosper,  they  could  no  longer  give  them  such  enter- 
tainment as  they  had  done,  and  still  wished  to  do.  If 
Massasoit  himself,  however,  would  visit  them,  or  any 
special  friend  of  his,  he  should  be  welcome.  A  request 
was  then  made,  that  the  Pokanokets,  who  had  furs, 
should  be  permitted  to  dispose  of  them  to  the  Colo- 
nists. The  Governor  wished  him  also  to  exchange 
some  corn  for  seed  with  the  Plymouth  people. 

The  remaining  article  in  this  message  is  more  illus- 
trative of  the  relations  understood  to  exist  and  to  be 
desirable  between  the  parties.  On  the  first  arrival  of 
the  Colonists  at  Cape  Cod,  it  seems  they  had  found 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  129 

corn  buried  there  in  the  ground.  Seeing  no  inhabitants 
in  the  neighborhood,  "  but  some  graves  of  the  dead 
newly  buried/'  they  took  the  corn,  with  the  intention 
of  making  full  satisfaction  for  it  whenever  it  became 
practicable.  The  owners  of  it  were  supposed  to  have 
fled  through  fear.  It  was  now  proposed,  that  these 
men  should  be  informed  by  Massasoit, — if  they  could 
be  found, — that  the  English  were  ready  to  pay  them 
with  an  equal  quantity  of  corn,  English  meal,  or  "  any 
other  commodities  they  had  to  pleasure  them  withal ;" 
and  full  satisfaction  was  offered  for  any  trouble  which 
the  sachem  might  do  them  the  favor  to  take.  This 
proposal  was  equally  politic  and  just. 

The  visiters  met  with  a  generous,  though  humble 
hospitality,  which  reminds  one  of  the  first  reception 
of  Columbus  by  the  West-Indian  islanders.  They 
reached  Namaschet  about  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon :  and  there,  we  are  told,  the  inhabitants  enter- 
tained them  with  joy,  in  the  best  mannef  they  were 
able;  giving  them  sweet  bread  and  fish,  with  a  less 
acceptable  accompaniment  of  boiled  musty  acorns. 
Various  civilities  were  exchanged  after  this  primitive 
and  savory  repast, — as  ancient,  by  the  way,  as  the  early 
Greeks, — and  some  time  was  passed  very  pleasantly 
in  shooting  a  crow  at  a  considerable  distance,  to  the 
vast  astonishment  and  amusement  of  the  Indians. 
They  were  then  directed  to  a  place  about  eight  miles 
distant,  (Middleborough)  where,  says  the  Journalist, 
they  should  find  "  more  store  and  better  victuals." 
They  were  welcomed,  on  their  arrival,  by  a  party  who 
were  catching  great  numbers  of  fine  bass  in  Taunton 
river,  and  who  gave  them  a  supper  and  a  breakfast  in 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 9 


130  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  morning,  besides  the  privilege  of  lodging  in  the 
woods  near  by  over  night. 

Attended  by  six  of  their  hosts  next  day,  they  were 
assisted  in  passing  the  river ;  and  here  they  met  with 
the  first  indications  of  ill-will,  in  the  persons  of  two 
old  Indians  upon  the  opposite  bank.  These  two,  espy- 
ing them  as  they  entered  the  river,  ran  swiftly  and 
stealthily  among  the  high  grass  to  meet  them ;  and 
then,  with  loud  voices  and  drawn  bows,  demanded  of 
the  strangers  who  they  were ;  "  but  seeing  we  were 
friends,"  it  is  added,  "  they  welcomed  us  with  such 
food  as  they  had,  and  we  bestowed  a  small  bracelet 
of  beads  on  them."  The  remarks  which  follow  this, ; 
upon  the  conduct  of  the  six  attendants,  we  cannot  for- 
bear citing  at  large,  irrelevant  to  our  main  purpose  as 
they  are.  "  When  we  came  to  a  small  brook,"  says 
our  accurate  writer,  "  where  no  bridge  was,  two  of 
them  desired  to  carry  us  through  of  their  own  accords ; 
also  fearing  we  were,  or  would  be  weary,  offered  to 
carry  our  pieces;  also  if  we  would  lay  off  any  of  our 
clothes,  [it  being  excessively  hot,]  we  should  have 
them  carried ;  and  as  the  one  of  them  had  found  more 
special  kindness  from  one  of  the  messengers,  and  the 
other  savage  from  the  other,  so  thev  showed  their 
thankfulness  accordingly,  in  affording  us  help  and 
furtherance  in  the  journey." 

After  one  more  entertainment  on  the  way,  our  trav- 
ellers reached  Sowans.  Massasoit  was  not  at  home, 
but  arrived  soon  after,  and  was  saluted  by  his  visiters 
with  a  discharge  of  musketry.  He  welcomed  them 
kindly  after  the  Indian  manner,^  took  them  into  his 
lodge,  and  seated  them  by  himself.  They  then  deliv- 
ered their  message  and  presents,  the  latter  comprising 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  131 

a  horseman's  coat  of  red  cotton,  embroidered  with  fine 
lace.  The  sachem  mounted  this  superb  article  without 
delay,  and  hung  the  chain,  which  they  also  gave  him, 
about  his  neck,  evidently  enjoying  the  unspeakable 
admiration  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  gazed  upon  him 
at  a  distance.  He  now  answered  the  message,  clause 
after  clause ;  and  particularly  signified  his  desire  to 
continue  in  peace  and  friendship  with  his  neighbors. 
He  gathered  his  men  around  him  in  fine,  and  ha- 
rangued them ;  they  occasionally  confirming  what  he 
said  by  their  customary  ejaculations.  Was  not  he, 
Massasoit,  commander  of  the  country  about  them? 
Was  not  such  a  town  within  his  dominions — and  were 
not  the  people  of  it  his  subjects — and  should  not  they 
bring  their  skins  to  him,  if  he  wished  it? 

Thus  he  proceeded  to  name  about  thirty  of  his  small 
settlements,  his  attentive  auditors  responding  to  each 
question.  The  matter  being  regularly  settled,  he 
lighted  tobacco  for  his  guests,  and  conversed  with  them 
about  their  own  country  and  king,  marvelling,  above 
all,  that  his  Majesty  should  live  without  a  squaw.  As 
it  grew  late,  and  he  offered  no  more  substantial  enter- 
tainment than  this, — no  doubt  for  the  sound  reason, 
that  he  had  nothing  to  offer, — his  guests  intimated  a 
wish  to  retire  for  the  night.  He  forthwith  accomo- 
dated  them,  with  himself  and  his  wife,  they  at  one  end 
and  his  visiters  at  the  other,  of  a  bed  consisting  of  a 
plank  platform,  raised  a  foot  or  two  from  the  ground 
and  covered  with  a  thin  mat.  Two  of  his  chief  men, 
probably  by  way  of  compliment,  were  also  stationed 
upon  the  same  premises ;  and  this  body-guard  per- 
formed their  pressing  duty  of  escort  so  effectually, 
that  no  other  circumstances  were  necessary  to  make 


132  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  honored  guests  "  worse  weary  of  their  lodging  than 
they  had  been  of  their  journey." 

On  the  following  day,  many  of  the  petty  chiefs, 
with  their  subjects,  came  in  from  the  adjacent  country, 
and  various  sports  and  games  were  got  up  for  the  en- 
tertainment of  the  English.  At  noon,  they  partook, 
with  the  sachem  and  about  forty  others,  of  a  meal  of 
boiled  fish  shot  by  himself,  (probably  with  arrows.) 
They  continued  with  him  until  the  next  morning,  when 
they  departed,  leaving  Massasoit  "  both  grieved  and 
ashamed "  that  he  could  not  better  entertain  him. 
Very  importunate  he  was,  adds  the  journalist,  to  have 
them  stay  with  him  longer;  but  as  they  had  eaten  but 
one  meal  for  two  days  and  a  night,  with  the  exception 
of  a  partridge,  which  one  of  them  killed ;  and  what 
with  their  location  at  night,  the  "  savages'  barbarious 
singing  of  themselves  to  sleep,"  mosquitoes  without 
doors,  and  other  trifling  inconveniences  within,  could 
not  sleep  at  all ;  they  begged  to  be  excused, — on  the 
score  of  conscience,  Sunday  being  near  at  hand, — not 
to  mention  that  they  were  growing  light-headed,  and 
could  hardly  expect,  if  they  stayed  much  longer,  to  be 
able  to  reach  home. 

Massasoit's  friendship  was  again  tested  in  March, 
1622,  when  an  Indian,  known  to  be  under  Squanto's 
influence,  came  running  in  among  a  party  of  colonists, 
with  his  face  gashed,  and  the  blood  fresh  upon  it,  call- 
ing out  to  them  to  flee  for  their  lives,  and  then  looking 
behind  him  as  if  pursued.  On  coming  up,  he  told  them 
that  the  Indians,  under  Massasoit,  were  congregating 
at  a  certain  place  for  an  attack  upon  the  Colony;  that 
he  had  received  his  wounds  in  consequence  of  oppos- 
ing their  designs;  and  had  barely  escaped  from  them 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  133 

with  his  life.  The  report  occasioned  no  little  alarm; 
although  the  correctness  of  it  was  flatly  denied  by 
Hobamock,  a  Pokanoket  Indian  resident  at  Plymouth, 
who  recommended  that  a  messenger  should  be  sent 
secretly  to  Sowams,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
the  truth.  This  was  done,  and  the  messenger,  find- 
ing everything  in  its  usually  quiet  state,  informed  Mas- 
sasoit  of  the  reports  circulated  against  him.  He  was 
excessively  incensed  against  Squanto,  but  sent  his 
thanks  to  the  Governor  for  the  opinion  of  his  fidelity 
which  he  understood  him  to  retain;  and  directed  the 
messenger  to  assure  him,  that  he  should  instantly  ap- 
prize him  of  any  conspiracy  which  might  at  any  future 
time  take  place. 

That  the  declarations  of  Massasoit,  upon  this  occa- 
sion, were  far  from  being  mere  words  of  compulsion 
or  of  courtesy,  is  abundantly  proved  by  his  conduct 
during  the  next  season,  1623.  Early  in  the  spring  of 
that  year,  news  came  to  Plymouth,  that  he  was  very 
sick  at  Sowams ;  and  it  was  determined  to  send  Mr. 
Winslow  to  visit  him  once  more,  in  token  of  the  friend- 
ship of  the  colonists.  That  gentleman  immediately 
commenced  his  journey,  being  provided  with  a  few 
cordials,  and  attended  by  "  one  Master  John  Hampden, 
a  London  gentleman,  who  then  wintered  with  him,  and 
desired  much  to  see  the  country/' — no  doubt  the  same 
character  so  eminently  distinguished  afterwards  in  the 
politics  of  England. 

They  heard,  at  various  places  on  their  route,  that 
the  sachem  was  already  dead;  and  their  guide,  Hoba- 
mock, indulged  himself  all  the  way  in  the  most  un- 
bounded grief.  They  found  him  still  living,  however, 
on  their  arrival;  and  the  multitude  of  dependents  and 


134  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

friends  who  thronged  his  lodge,  made  way  as  fast  as 
possible  for  their  admittance  and  accommodation.  He 
appeared  to  be  reduced  to  the  last  extremities.  Six  or 
eight  women  were  employed  in  charing  his  cold  limbs, 
and  the  residue  of  the  numerous  company  were  exert- 
ing themselves  to  the  utmost,  meanwhile,  in  making 
what  Winslow  rather  uncharitably  calls  "  such  a  hell- 
ish noise  as  distempered  those  that  were  well."  He 
had  the  good  sense  to  wait  for  the  conclusion  of  the 
ceremony;  and  the  exhausted  performers  being  then 
satisfied  they  had  done  all  that  in  them  lay  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  patient,  one  of  them  appraised  him  of  the 
arrival  of  the  English. 

"  Who  have  come?"  muttered  the  sachem,  still  con- 
scious, though  his  sight  was  wholly  gone.  They  told 
him  Winsnow  had  come,  (as  they  generally  substituted 
n  for  the  English  /.)  "  Let  me  speak  with  him  then," 
he  replied,  "  Let  me  speak  one  word  to  him."  Wins- 
low  went  forward  to  the  matted  platform  where  he 
lay,  and  grasped  the  feeble  hand  which  the  sachem, 
informed  of  his  approach,  held  out  to  him.  "  Art  thou 
Winsnow?"  he  whispered  the  question  again,  (in  his 
own  language,)  "Art  thou  Winsnow?"  Being  readily 
answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  appeared  satisfied  of 
the  fact.  But  "O  Winsnow,"  he  added  mournfully, 
"  I  shall  never  see  thee  again !" 

Hobamock  was  now  called,  and  desired  to  assure 
the  sachem  of  the  Governor's  kind  remembrance  of 
him  in  his  present  situation,  and  to  inform  him  of  the 
articles  they  had  brought  with  them  for  his  use.  He 
immediately  signified  his  wish  to  taste  of  these ;  and 
they  were  given  him  accordingly,  to  the  great  delight 
of  the  people  around  him.  Winslow  then  proceeded' 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  135 

to  use  measures  for  his  relief,  and  they  wrought  a 
great  change  in  him  within  half  an  hour.  He  recov- 
ered his  sight  gradually,  and  began  to  converse,  re- 
questing his  friend  Winslow,  among  other  things,  to 
kill  him  a  fowl,  and  make  him  some  English  pottage, 
such  as  he  had  seen  at  Plymouth.  This  was  done  for 
him,  and  such  other  care  taken  as  restored  his  strength 
and  appetite  wonderfully  within  the  day  or  two  of 
Winslow's  stay. 

His  expressions  of  gratitude,  as  well  as  those  of 
his  delighted  attendants,  were  constant,  as  they  were 
evidently  warm  from  the  heart.  Finally,  as  his  guests 
were  about  to  leave  him,  he  called  Hobamock  to  his 
side,  and  revealed  to  him  a  plot  against  the  colonists, 
recently  formed,  as  he  understood,  among  certain  of 
the  Massachusetts  tribes,  and  in  which  he  had  himself 
been  invited  to  join.  He  also  recommended  certain 
summary  measures  for  the  suppression  of  the  plot, 
and  concluded  with  charging  Hobamock  to  communi- 
cate the  intelligence  to  Winslow  on  the  way  to  Ply- 
mouth. It  may  be  added  here,  that  these  measures 
were  subsequently  executed  by  Standish,  and  were  suc- 
cessful. The  conspiracy  itself  was  occasioned  by  the 
notorious  and  outrageous  profligacy  of  the  banditti  of 
"  Master  Weston,"  at  Weymouth. 

The  leading  particulars  in  the  residue  of  Massasoit's 
life,  may  soon  be  detailed.  In  1632,  he  was  assaulted 
at  Sowams,  by  a  party  of  Narraghansetts,  and  obliged 
to  take  refuge  in  an  English  house.  His  situation  was 
soon  ascertained  at  Plymouth,  and  an  armed  force  be- 
ing promptly  dispatched  to  his  succor,  under  his  old 
friend  Standish,  the  Narraghansetts  retired.  About 
the  year  1639,  he  probably  associated  his  eldest  son, 


136  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Moanam  or  Wamsutta,  with  him  in  the  government; 
for  they  came  together  into  open  court  at  Plymouth, 
it  is  said,  on  the  28th  of  September  of  that  year,  and 
desired  that  the  ancient  treaty  of  1621  might  remain 
inviolable.  They  also  entered  into  some  new  engage- 
ments, chiefly  going  to  secure  to  the  Colony  a  pre- 
emptive claim  to  the  Pokanoket  lands.  "  And  the 
whole  court,"  add  the  records,  "  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  government  for  each  town  respectively,  did  then 
likewise  ratify  and  confirm  the  aforesaid  ancient  league 
and  confederacy." 

From  this  time,  the  names  of  the  father  and  son 
are  sometimes  found  united,  and  sometimes  not  so,  in 
instruments  by  which  land  was  conveyed  to  the  Eng- 
lish. In  1649,  the  former  sold  the  territory  of  Bridge- 
water  in  his  own  name.  "  Witness  these  presents  " — 
are  the  words  of  the  deed — "  that  I  Ousamequin 
Sachim  of  the  countrie  of  Pocanauket,  haue  given, 
granted,  enfeofed  and  sould  unto  Myles  Standish  of 
Duxborough  Samuel  Nash  and  Constant  Southworth 
of  Duxborough  aforesaid  in  the  behalfe  of  all  ye  towns- 
men of  Duxborough  aforesaid  a  tract  of  land  usually 
called  Saughtucket  extending  in  length  and  the  breadth 
thereof,  as  followeth,  that  is  to  say — [here  follow  the 
boundaries  of  what  is  now  Bridgewater] — the  wch  tract 
the  said  Ousamequin  hath  given  granted  enfeofed  and 
sould  unto  ye  said  Myles  [Standish]  Samuel  Nash  and 
Constant  Southworth  in  the  behalfe  of  all  ye  townsmen 
of  Duxborough  as  aforesaid  wth  all  the  emunities  prive- 
leges  and  profits  whatsoever  belonging  to  the  said  tract 
of  land  wth  all  and  singular  all  woods  underwoods 
lands  meadowes  Riuers  brooks  Rivulets  &c.  to  have 
and  to  hould  to  the  said  Myles  Standish  Samuel  Nash 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  137 

and  Constant  Southworth  in  behalfe  of  all  the  towns- 
men of  the  towne  of  Duxborough  to  them  and  their 
heyers  forever.  In  witnes  whereof  I  the  said  Ousame- 
quin  have  here  unto  sett  my  hand  this  23  of  March 
1649. 

The  mk  of  .^^Ousamequm. 

In  consideration  of  the  aforesaid  bargain  and  sale 
wee  the  said  Myles  Standish  Samuel  Nash  and  Con- 
stant Southworth,  doe  bind  ourselves  to  pay  unto  ye 
said  Ousamequin  for  and  in  consideration  of  ye  said 
tract  of  land  as  followeth 


7  Coats  a  yd  and  a  half 

in  a  coat 
9  Hatchets 

8  Howes 
20  Knives 

4  Moose  skins 
10  Yds  and  half  of  cotton 


Myles  Standish 


±  Samuel  Nash 


Constant  Southworth." 


The  original  document  of  which  we  have  here  given 
a  literal  and  exact  copy  has  been  preserved  to  this  day. 
It  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Captain  Standish. 

The  precise  date  of  Massasoit's  death  is  unknown. 
In  1653.  his  name  appears  in  a  deed  by  which  he  con- 
veyed part  of  the  territory  of  Swansey  to  English 
grantees.  Hubbard  supposes  that  he  died  about  three 
years  subsequent  to  this;  but  as  late  as  1661,  he  is 
noticed  in  the  Records  of  the  United  Colonies,  as  will 
appear  more  particularly  in  the  life  of  his  eldest  son. 
Two  or  three  years  afterwards,  conveyances  were 
made  of  the  Pokanoket  lands  in  which  he  appears  to 
have  had  a  voice ;  and  it  may  be  fairly  inferred  that  he 


138  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

died  in  that  interval.  He  must  have  been  near  eighty 
years  of  age. 

Such  are  the  passages  which  history  has  preserved 
concerning  the  earliest  and  best  friend  of  the  Pilgrims. 
Few  and  simple  as  they  are,  they  give  glimpses  of  a 
character  that,  under  other  circumstances,  might  have 
placed  Massasoit  among  the  illustrious  of  his  age. 
He  was  a  mere  savage ;  ignorant  of  even  reading  and 
writing,  after  an  intercourse  of  near  fifty  years  with 
the  colonists ;  and  distinguished  from  the  mass  of  sav- 
ages around  him,  as  we  have  seen,  by  no  other  out- 
ward emblem  than  a  barbarous  ornament  of  bones. 
It  must  be  observed,  too,  as  to  them,  that  the  author- 
ity which  they  conferred  upon  him,  or  rather  upon  his 
ancestors,  was  their  free  gift,  and  was  liable  at  any 
moment  to  be  retracted,  wholly  or  in  part,  either  by 
the  general  voice  or  by  the  defection  or  violence  of 
individuals.  The  intrinsic  dignity  and  energy  of  his 
character  alone,  therefore,  must  have  sustained  the 
dominion  of  the  sachem,  with  no  essential  distinction 
of  wealth,  retinue,  cultivation,  or  situation  in  any  re- 
spect, between  him  and  the  meanest  of  the  Wampa- 
noags.  The  naked  qualities  of  his  intellect  and  his 
heart  must  have  gained  their  loyalty,  controlled  their 
extravagant  passions  to  his  own  purposes,  and  won 
upon  their  personal  confidence  and  affection. 

That  he  did  this  appears  from  the  fact,  so  singular 
in  Indian  history,  that  among  all  the  Pokanoket  tribes, 
there  was  scarcely  an  instance  of  even  an  individual 
broil  or  quarrel  with  the  English  during  his  long  life. 
Some  of  these  tribes,  living  nearer  the  Colony  than 
any  other  Indians,  and  going  into  it  daily  in  such  num- 
bers, that  Massasoit  was  finally  requested  to  restrain 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  139 

them  from  "  pestering "  their  friends  by  their  mere 
multitude, — these  shrewd  beings  must  have  perceived, 
as  well  as  Massasoit  himself  did,  that  the  colonists 
were  as  miserably  fearful  as  they  were  feeble  and  few. 
Some  of  them,  too, — the  sachem  Corbitant,  for  ex- 
ample,— were  notoriously  hostile,  and  perhaps  had 
certain  supposed  reasons  for  being  so.  Yet  that  cun- 
ning and  ambitious  savage  extricated  himself  from  the 
only  overt  act  of  rebellion  he  has  ever  known  to  have 
attempted,  by  "  soliciting  the  good  offices  of  Massa- 
soit," we  are  told,  "  to  reconcile  him  to  the  English/' 
And  such  was  the  influence  of  the  chief  sachem,  not 
only  over  him,  but  over  the  Massachusetts  sachems, 
that  nine  of  the  principal  of  them  soon  after  came  into 
Plymouth  from  great  distances,  for  the  purpose  of 
signifying  their  humble  respect  for  the  authority  of  the 
English. 

That  Massasiot  was  beloved  as  well  as  respected 
by  his  subjects  and  neighbors,  far  and  wide,  appears 
from  the  great  multitude  of  anxious  friends  who 
thronged  about  him  during  his  sickness.  Some  of 
them,  as  Winslow  ascertained,  had  come  more  than 
one  hundred  miles  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  him ;  and 
they  all  watched  his  operations  in  that  case,  with  an 
intense  anxiety  as  if  the  prostrate  patient  had  been  the 
father  or  brother  of  each.  And  meagre  as  is  the  jus- 
tice which  history  does  the  sachem,  it  still  furnishes 
some  evidence,  not  to  be  mistaken,  that  he  had  won 
this  regard  from  them  by  his  kindness.  There  is  a 
passage  of  affecting  simplicity  in  Winslow's  Relation, 
going  to  show  that  he  did  not  forget  their  minutest 
interests,  even  in  his  own  almost  unconscious  help- 
lessness. "  That  morning,"  it  is  said,  "  he  caused  me 


140  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

to  spend  in  going  from  one  to  another  among  those 
that  were  sick  in  the  town  [Sowams]  ;  requesting  me 
to  treat  them  as  I  had  him,  and  to  give  to  each  of 
them  some  of  the  same  I  gave  him,  saying  tlwy  were 
good  folk." 

But  these  noble  traits  of  the  character  of  Massasoit 
are  still  more  abundantly  illustrated  by  the  whole 
tenor  of  his  intercourse  with  the  whites.  Of  his  mere 
sense  of  his  positive  obligations  to  them,  including 
his  fidelity  to  the  famous  treaty  of  1621,  nothing  more 
need  be  said,  excepting  that  the  annals  of  the  continent 
furnish  scarcely  one  parallel  even  to  that  case.  But  he 
went  much  farther  than  this.  He  not  only  visited  the 
Colony  in  the  first  instance  of  his  own  free  will  and 
accord,  but  he  entered  into  the  negotiations  cheerfully 
and  deliberately ;  and  in  the  face  of  their  manifest  fear 
and  suspicion.  Henceforth  the  results  of  it  were  re- 
garded, not  with  the  mere  honesty  of  an  ally,  but  with 
the  warm  interest  of  a  friend.  It  was  probably  at  his 
secret  and  delicate  suggestion, — and  it  could  scarcely 
have  been  without  his  permission,  at  all  events, — that 
his  own  subjects  took  up  their  residence  among  the 
colonists,  with  the  view  of  guiding,  piloting,  interpret- 
ing for  them,  and  teaching  them  their  own  useful 
knowledge.  Winslow  speaks  of  his  appointing  another 
to  fill  the  place  of  Squanto  at  Plymouth,  while  the 
latter  should  be  sent  out  among  the  Pokanokets,  under 
his  orders,  "  to  procure  truck  [in  furs]  for  the  English. 

The  vast  grant  of  territory  which  he  made  in  the 
first  instance  has  been  spoken  of.  It  was  made  with 
the  simple  observation,  that  his  claim  to  it  was  the 
sole  claim  in  existence.  It  was  also  without  consider- 
ation ;  the  generous  sachem,  as  Roger  Williams  says 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  141 

of  the  Narraghansetts  in  a  similar  case,  "  being  shy 
and  jealous  of  selling  the  lands  to  any,  and  choosing 
rather  to  make  a  gift  of  them  to  such  as  they  affected." 
Such  is  the  only  jealousy  which  Massasoit  can  be  said 
ever  to  have  entertained  of  the  English.  Nor  do  we 
find  any  evidence  that  he  repented  of  his  liberality, 
or  considered  it  the  incautious  extravagance  of  a  mo- 
ment of  flattered  complaisance.  We  do  find,  however, 
that  he  invariably  watched  over  the  interests  of  the 
grantees,  with  more  strictness  than  he  would  proba- 
bly have  watched  over  his  own.  He  laid  claim,  in  one 
instance,  to  a  tract  for  which  Mr.  Williams  had  nego- 
tiated with  the  Narraghansetts — that  gentleman  being 
ignorant  perhaps,  of  an  existing  controversy  between 
the  two  tribes.  "  It  is  mine,"  said  the  sachem,  "  It  is 
mine  and  therefore  theirs," — plainly  implying  that  the 
ground  in  question  was  comprised  within  the  original 
transfer.  Whether  this  claim  was  just,  or  whether  it 
was  insisted  upon,  does  not  appear;  but  there  is  indi- 
cation enough,  both  of  the  opinion  and  feeling  of 
Massasoit. 

An  anecdote  of  him,  recorded  by  Governor  Win- 
throp,  under  the  title  of  a  "  pleasant  passage,"  is  still 
more  striking.  His  old  friend  Winsnow,  it  seems, 
made  a  trading  voyage  to  Connecticut^  during  the  sum- 
mer of  1634.  On  his  return,  he  left  his  vessel  upon 
the  Narraghansett  coast,  for  some  reason  or  other, 
and  commenced  his  journey  for  Plymouth  across  the 
woods.  Finding  himself  at  a  loss,  probably,  as  to 
his  route,  he  made  his  way  to  Sowams,  and  called  upon 
his  ancient  acquaintance,  the  sachem.  The  latter 
gave  him  his  usual  kind  welcome,  and,  upon  his  leav- 
ing him,  offered  to  conduct  him  home, — a  pedestrian 


142  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

journey  of  two  days.  He  had  just  despatched  one  of 
his  Wampanoags  to  Plymouth,  with  instructions  to 
inform  the  friends  of  Winslow,  that  he  was  dead,  and 
to  persuade  them  of  this  melancholy  fact,  by  specify- 
ing such  particulars  as  their  own  ingenuity  might  sug- 
gest. All  this  was  done  accordingly;  and  the  tidings 
occasioned,  as  might  be  expected,  a  very  unpleasant 
excitement  throughout  the  Colony.  In  the  midst  of 
it,  however,  on  the  next  day,  the  sachem  entered  the 
village,  attended  by  Winslow,  and  with  more  than  his 
usual  complacency  in  his  honest  and  cheerful  counte- 
nance. He  was  asked  why  such  a  report  had  been  cir- 
culated the  day  previous.  :t  That  Winslow  might  be 
the  more  welcome,"  answered  he,  "  and  that  you 
might  be  the  more  happy, — it  is  my  custom."  He  had 
come  thus  far  to  enjoy  this  surprise  personally ;  and 
he  returned  homeward,  more  gratified  by  it,  without 
doubt,  than  he  would  have  been  by  the  most  fortunate 
foray  among  the  Narraghansetts. 

It  is  intimated  by  some  writers,  rather  more  fre- 
quently than  is  either  just  or  generous,  that  the  sa- 
chem's fear  of  the  tribe  just  named  lay  at  the  founda- 
tion of  his  friendship.  It  might  have  been  nearer  the 
apparent  truth,  considering  all  that  is  known  of  Massa- 
soit,  to  say,  that  his  interest  happened  to  coincide 
with  his  inclination.  At  all  events,  it  was  in  the  power 
of  any  other  of  the  sachems  or  kings  throughout  the 
country,  to  place  and  sustain  themselves  upon  the 
same  footing  with  the  colonists,  had  they  been 
prompted  either  by  as  much  good  feeling  or  good 
sense.  On  the  contrary,  the  Massachusetts  were  plot- 
ting and  threatening  on  one  hand,  as  we  have  seen, — 
not  without  provocation,  it  must  be  allowed, — while 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  143 

the  Narraghansett  sachem,  upon  the  other,  had  sent 
in  his  compliments  as  early  as  1622,  in  the  shape  of 
a  bundle  of  arrows,  tied  up  with  a  rattlesnake's  skin. 

Nor  should  we  forget  the  wretched  feebleness  of 
the  Colony  at  the  period  of  their  first  acquaintance  with 
Massasoit.  Indeed,  the  instant  measures  which  he 
took  for  the  relief  and  protection,  look  more  like  the 
promptings  of  compassion,  than  of  either  hope  or  fear. 
A  month  previous  to  his  appearance  among  them,  they 
were  reduced  to  such  a  pitiable  condition  by  sickness, 
that  only  six  or  seven  of  their  men  of  their  whole  num- 
ber were  able  to  do  business  in  the  open  air;  and 
probably  their  entire  fighting  force,  could  they  have 
been  mustered  together,  would  scarcely  have  equalled 
that  little  detachment  which  Massasoit  brought  with 
him  into  the  village,  delicately  leaving  twice  as  many, 
with  the  arms  of  all,  behind  him ;  as  he  afterwards 
exchanged  six  hostages  for  one.  No  wonder  that  the 
colonists  "  could  not  yet  conceive  but  that  he  was 
willing  to  have  peace  with  them." 

But  the  motives  of  the  sachem  are  still  further 
manifested  by  the  sense  of  his  own  dignity,  which, 
peaceably  as  he  generally  was,  he  showed  promptly 
upon  all  suitable  occasions.  Both  the  informal  grant 
and  the  formal  deeds  we  have  mentioned,  indicate 
that  he  understood  himself  to  be  the  master  of  his 
ancestral  territory  as  much  in  right  as  in  fact.  There 
is  nothing  in  his  whole  history,  which  does  more  honor 
to  his  intelligence  or  his  sensibility,  than  his  conduct 
occasioned  by  the  falsehoods  circulated  among  the 
colonists  against  him  by  Squanto.  His  first  impulse, 
as  we  have  seen,  was  to  be  offended  with  the  guilty 
intriguant;  the  second,  to  thank  the  Governor  for 


144  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

appealing  to  himself  in  this  case,  and  to  assure  him 
that  he  would  at  any  time  "  send  word  and  give  warn- 
ing when  any  such  business  was  towards."  On  fur- 
ther inquiry,  he  ascertained  that  Squanto  was  taking 
even  more  liberties  with  his  reputation  than  he  had 
been  aware  of.  He  went  forthwith  to  Plymouth,  and 
made  his  appeal  personally  to  the  Governor.  The 
latter  pacified  him  as  well  as  he  could,  and  he  re- 
turned home.  But  a  very  short  time  elasped  before 
a  message  came  from  him,  entreating  the  Governor  to 
consent  to  the  death  of  the  renegade  who  still  abused 
him.  The  Governor  confessed  in  reply,  that  Squanto 
deserved  death,  but  desired  that  he  might  be  spared 
on  account  of  his  indispensable  services.  Massasoit 
was  not  yet  satisfied.  The  former  messenger  was 
again  sent,  "  with  divers  others/'  says  Winslow  in  his 
Relation,  "  demanding  him,  [Squanto]  as  being  one  of 
Massasoit's  subjects,  whom  by  our  first  article  of  peace 
we  could  not  retain ;  yet  because  he  would  not  will- 
ingly do  it  [insist  upon  his  rights]  without  the  Gover- 
nor's approbation,  he  offered  him  many  beaver-skins 
for  his  consent  thereto."  The  deputation  had  brought 
these  skins,  accordingly,  as  also  the  sachem's  own 
knife,  for  the  execution  of  the  criminal.  Squanto 
now  surrendered  himself  to  the  Governor,  as  an  In- 
dian always  resigns  himself  to  his  fate  upon  similar 
occasions ;  but  the  Governor  still  contrived  a  pretext 
for  sparing  him.  The  deputies  were  "  mad  with  rage 
and  impatient  of  delay,"  as  may  be  supposed,  and  de- 
parted in  great  heat. 

The  conduct  of  the  sachem  in  this  case  was  mani- 
festly more  correct  than  that  of  his  ally.  He  under- 
stood as  well  as  the  Governor  did,  the  spirit  of  the 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  145 

articles  in  the  treaty,  which  provided,  that  an  offender 
upon  either  side  should  be  given  up  to  punishment 
upon  demand;  and  he  was  careful  to  make  that  de- 
mand personally,  explicitly  and  respectfully.  The 
Governor,  on  the  other  hand,  as  well  as  the  culprit 
himself,  acknowledged  the  justice  of  it,  but  manoeu- 
vred to  avoid  compliance.  The  true  reason  is  no 
doubt  given  by  Winslow.  It  is  also  given  in  the  lan- 
guage of  John  Smith.  "  With  much  adoe,"  says  the 
honest  Captain,  "  we  appeased  the  angry  king  and  the 
rest  of  the  saluages,  and  freely  forgaue  Tusquantum, 
because  he  speaking  our  language  we  could  not  be  well 
without  him."  The  king  was  angry,  then,  as  he  well 
might  be ;  and  the  Governor  took  the  trouble,  he  was 
both  bound  and  interested  to  take,  to  appease  him. 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  perhaps,  that  the  partic- 
ulars of  this  transaction  are  so  little  dwelt  upon  by 
the  writers  of  that  period.  Winslow  barely  states, — 
speaking,  in  another  connexion,  of  the  Indians  being 
evidently  aware  of  the  weakness  of  the  Colony, —  that, 
what  was  worse,  "  now  also  Massasoit  seemed  to  frown 
upon  us,  and  neither  came  nor  sent  to  us  as  formerly." 
This  passage  is  no  less  significant  than  brief;  but  not 
more  so  than  a  subsequent  dry  observation  respecting 
Squanto,  "  whose  peace,  before  this  time,  (the  fall  of 
the  same  year)  was  zvrought  with  Massasoit." 

Such  were  the  life  and  character  of  Massasoit.  It 
is  to  be  regretted,  that  so  few  particulars  are  pre- 
served of  the  former,  and  that  so  little  justice,  con- 
sequently, can  be  done  to  the  latter.  But  so  far  as 
his  history  goes,  it  certainly  makes  him  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  men  of  his  race.  There  is  no  nobler 
instance  in  all  history,  of  national  fidelity,  (for  which 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 10 


146  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

he  mainly  must  have  the  credit,)  or  of  individual 
friendship.  This  instinct  of  a  generous  nature  in  the 
first  instance,  being  confirmed  by  a  course  of  conduct 
generally  alike  creditable  to  the  feelings  and  shrewd- 
ness of  the  Colonists,  finally  settled  itself  in  the  mind 
of  Massasoit  as  ineradicably  as  his  affection  for  his 
own  subjects.  "  I  know  now,"  said  he  to  Winslow, 
on  his  first  recovery  from  the  severe  sickness  we  have 
mentioned,  "  I  know  that  the  English  love  me, —  I  love 
them, —  I  shall  never  forget  them." 

But  putting  even  the  most  unnatural  construction 
upon  the  professions  and  the  conduct  of  the  sachem, 
the  relation  he  commenced  and  for  forty-seven  years 
sustained  with  the  English,  must  be  allowed  to  show 
at  least  a  consummate  sagacity.  He  certainly  suc- 
ceeded during  all  this  time,  not  only  in  shielding  his 
tribes  from  their  just  or  unjust  hostility,  but  in  gain- 
ing their  respect  to  such  a  singular  degree,  that  the 
writings  of  no  single  author  within  our  recollection 
furnish  one  word  to  his  disparagement.  Even  Hub- 
bard  speaks  of  him  with  something  like  regard ;  not- 
withstanding the  obnoxious  trait  in  his  character  in- 
dicated in  the  following  passage.  "  It  is  very  remark- 
able," he  says,  "  that  this  Woosamequin,  how  much 
soever  he  affected  the  English,  was  never  in  the  least 
degree  well  affected  to  their  religion."  It  is  added 
furthermore,  that  in  his  last  treaty  with  the  whites 
at  Swanzey, —  referring  to  a  sale  of  land  which  we 
have  mentioned, —  he  exerted  himself  to  bind  them 
solemnly  "  never  to  draw  away  any  of  his  people  from 
their  old  pagan  superstition  and  devilish  idolatry  to 
the  Christian  religion."  This  he  insisted  on,  until 
they  threatened  to  break  off  the  negotiation  on  ac- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  147 

count  of  his  pertinacity,  he  then  gave  up  the  point. 

Massasoit  did  not  distinguish  himself  as  a  warrior 
nor  is  he  known  to  have  been  once  engaged  in  any 
open  hostilities,  even  with  the  inimical  and  powerful 
tribes  who  environed  his  territory.  This  is  another 
unique  trait  in  his  character;  and  considering  the 
general  attachment  of  all  Indians  to  a  belligerent  life, 
their  almost  exclusive  deference  for  warlike  qualities, 
the  number  and  scattered  location  of  the  Pokanoket 
tribes,  and  especially  the  character  of  their  ancient 
neighbors,  this  very  fact  is  alone  sufficient  to  distin- 
guish the  genius  of  Massasoit.  All  the  native  nations 
of  New  England,  but  his,  were  involved  in  dissensions 
and  wars  with  each  other  and  with  the  whites;  and 
they  all  shared  sooner  or  later  the  fate  which  he 
avoided.  The  restless  ringleaders  who  plotted  mis- 
chief among  the  Massachusetts,  were  summarily 
knocked  upon  the  head  by  Miles  Standish,  while  hun- 
dreds of  the  residue  fled,  and  miserably  perished  in 
their  own  swamps.  The  Pequots, — a  nation  who 
could  muster  three  thousand  bowmen  but  a  short  time 
previous, —  were  nearly  exterminated  in  1637  ;  and  the 
savages  of  Maine,  meanwhile,  the  Mohawks  of  New 
York,  the  Narraghansetts  and  the  Mohegans  were 
fighting  and  reducing  each  other's  strength,  as  if  their 
only  object  had  been,  by  ultimately  extirpating  them- 
selves, to  prepare  a  way  in  the  wilderness  for  the  new 
comers. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Massasoit  succeeded  by  his  son  Alexander. — The  occasion  of  that  name 
being  given  by  the  English. — History  of  Alexander  previous  to  his 
father's  death, — Covenant  made  with  Plymouth  in  1639. — Measures 
taken  in  pursuance  of  it,  in  1661. — Anecdote  illustrating  the  character 
of  Alexander. — Notice  of  the  charges  made  against  him. — Examina- 
tion of  the  transaction  which  led  to  his  death. — Accession  of  Philip. — 
Renewal  of  the  treaty  by  him. —  Interruption  of  harmony. — Supposed 
causes  of  it. — Measures  taken  in  consequence. — Philip's  submission.  — 
Letter  to  the  Plymouth  Governor. — ^Second  submission  in  1671. — Re- 
marks on  the  causes  of  Philip's  War. 


M 


ASSASOIT  was  succeeded  in  the  Pokanoket 
government  by  his  eldest  son  Moanam  or 
Wamsutta,  known  to  the  English  chiefly  by 
the  name  of  Alexander;  which  appellation  he  received 
at  the  same  time  when  that  of  Philip  was  conferred 
on  his  younger  brother.  The  two  young  men  came  to- 
gether, on  that  occasion,  into  open  court  at  Plymouth, 
and  professing  great  regard  for  the  English,  requested 
that  names  should  be  given  them.  Their  father  not 
being  mentioned  as  having  attended  them  at  the  ob- 
servance of  the  ceremony,  has  probably  occasioned 
the  suggestion  of  his  death.  It  would  be  a  sufficient 
explanation  of  his  absence,  however,  that  he  was  now 
an  old  man,  and  that  the  distance  of  Sowams  from 
Plymouth  was  more  than  forty  miles.  It  is  easy  to 
(148) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  149 

imagine,  that  the  solicitude  he  had  always  manifested 
to  sustain  a  good  understanding  with  his  Plymouth 
friends,  might  lead  him  to  recommend  this  pacific  and 
conciliatory  measure,  as  a  suitable  preparation  for  his 
own  decease,  and  perhaps  as  the  absolute  termination 
of  his  reign. 

There  is  some  reason  to  believe,  indeed,  that 
Alexander  had  a  share  in  the  Pokanoket  sovereignty 
many  years  previous  to  the  date  of  the  ceremony 
just  mentioned.  The  Plymouth  records  show,  that 
on  the  25th  of  September,  1639,  the  father  came  into 
court,  bringing  Moanam  with  him.  He  desired  that 
the  old  treaty  of  1621  might  remain  inviolable,  "  and 
the  said  Woosamequin  or  Massasoit,  and  Moanam 
or  Wamsutta,"  did  also  promise  that  he  nor  they  shall 
or  will  needlessly  and  unjustly  raise  any  quarrels, 
or  do  any  wrongs  to  other  natives,  to  provoke  them, 
to  war  against  him ;  and  that  he  or  they  shall  not 
give,  sell  or  convey,  any  of  his  or  their  lands,  terri- 
tories or  possessions  whatsoever,  to  any  person  or 
persons,  without  the  privity  and  consent  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Plymouth  aforesaid ;  "  and  the  whole  court 
in  the  name  of  the  whole  government,  for  each  town 
respectively,  did  then  likewise  ratify  and  confirm  the 
aforesaid  ancient  league  and  confederacy;  and  did 
also  further  promise  to  the  said  Woosamequin  and 
Moanam  his  son,  and  his  successors,  that  they  shall 
and  will  from  time  to  time  defend  them,  when  occa- 
sion shall  require,  against  all  such  as  shall  rise  up 
against  them  to  wrong  or  oppress  them  unjustly." 

Agreeably  to  the  terms  of  this  covenant,  the  Rec- 
ord of  the  Colonies  for  1661  set  forth,  that  a  message 
was  that  year  sent  by  the  United  Commissioners  to 


150  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Uncas,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Mohegans.  The  com- 
plainants in  that  case  were  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts ;  and  the  charge  alleged  against  Uncas  was 
a  violent  "  Invading  of  Wesamquin  and  the  Indians 
of  Quabakutt  zvhoe  are  and  longe  haue  bine  Subjects  to 
the  English."  The  dominion  here  assumed,  is  prob- 
ably intended  to  apply  only  to  the  Quabakutt  Indians, 
and  not  Massasoit.  Uncas,  in  his  answer,  professed 
that  he  was  ignorant  they  were  subjects  of  Massachu- 
setts, "  and  further  says  they  were  none  of  Wesame- 
quin's  men  but  belonging  to  Onopequin  his  deadly 
enemie."  &c. 

He  then  alleges  "  that  Wesamequin  his  son  and 
diuers  of  his  men  had  fought  against  him  diners  times." 
The  last  paragraph  of  the  answer  —  which  was  given 
in  by  Major  Mason  in  behalf  of  Uncas  —  is  as  follows : 

"  Alexander  allis  [alias]  Wamsutta  Sachem  of 
Sowamsett  being  now  att  Plymouth  hee  challenged 
Quabauke  Indians  to  belong  to  him  and  further  said 
that  hee  did  war  Warr  against  Vncas  this  summer  on 
that  account." 

It  is  very  clear  at  least  that  Alexander  maintained, 
fearlessly  and  frankly,  what  he  believed  to  be  his 
rights ;  nor  does  it  appear,  that  the  exercise  of  his 
sovereignty  in  this  manner  was  objected  to  by  the 
party  which  had  the  best,  if  not  only  right  to  object. 
He  manifested  the  same  independence  in  regard  to 
the  efforts  of  the  English  missionaries;  so  that  Hub- 
bard  concludes  he  had  "  neither  affection  for  the 
Englishmen's  persons,  nor  yet  for  their  religion." 

This  is  licentious  reasoning,  at  the  best ;  for  not  a 
tittle  of  evidence  exists  in  the  case,  so  far  as  we  are 
aware,  which  goes  to  rebut  the  just  inference  to  be 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  151 

drawn  from  the  circumstance  that  no  difficulty  or 
controversy  occurred  between  Alexander  and  his  allies 
from  his  accession  to  his  death  —  with  a  single  ex- 
ception. The  excepted  case,  which  comes  in  order 
now  to  be  considered,  is  one  of  the  more  importance, 
that  its  immediate  effect  was  to  terminate  at  once 
the  reign  and  life  of  the  chieftain. 

In  connexion  with  the  remark  last  cited  from 
Hubbard,  that  historian  barely  observes,  that  the 
Governor  and  Council  were  informed  of  the  fact. 
Mather  states,  with  no  more  particularity,  that  the 
sachem  solicited  the  Narraghansetts  to  rebel  with 
him ;  upon  the  good  proof  whereof,  the  Plymouth 
Government  adopted  certain  summary  measures.  From 
other  sources  we  find,  that  this  proof  was  commu- 
nicated by  letters  from  Boston,  where  it  was  probably 
founded  upon  rumors  gathered  from  straggling  In- 
dians. At  all  events,  no  conclusive  testimony  appears 
in  the  case;  and  it  may  be  plausibly  surmised  there- 
fore, that  none  was  ever  received,  the  writers  just  cited 
not  being  remarkably  prone  to  omit  matters  of  this 
kind.  The  rumor  might  originate  from  circumstances 
really  suspicious ;  but  were  this  true,  and  far  more,  if 
it  were  both  false  and  malicious,  like  the  charges 
against  Massasoit,  we  may  well  question  both  the 
justice  and  the  policy  of  the  steps  taken  by  the  Ply- 
mouth Government. 

'  They  presently  sent  for  him,  to  bring  him  to  the 
court,"  says  Hubbard, —  a  very  remarkable  proceed- 
ing, related  with  a  corresponding  brevity.  The  busi- 
ness was  intrusted,  it  also  appears,  to  a  gentleman  who 
was  neither  afraid  of  danger,  nor  yet  willing  to  delay 
in  a  matter  of  this  moment.  We  are  then  told  that 


152  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

this  gentleman,  Mr.  Winslow,  forthwith  taking  eight 
or  ten  stout  men  with  him,  well  armed,  set  out  for 
Sowams,  that  he  fortunately  met  with  Alexander,  at 
a  few  miles'  distance,  in  a  wigwam  with  eighty  of  his 
followers ;  that  they  seized  upon  the  arms  of  the  party, 
which  had  been  left  without  the  wigwam,  and  then 
went  in  and  summoned  the  sachem  to  accompany  them 
to  Plymouth.  He  obeyed,  reluctantly,  being  threat- 
ened that  "  if  he  stirred  or  refused  to  go,  he  was  a 
dead  man."  Such  was  his  spirit,  however,  adds 
Hubbard,  that  the  very  surprisal  of  him  threw  him 
into  a  fever.  Upon  this,  he  requested  the  liberty  to 
return  home,  and  the  favor  was  granted  to  him  on 
certain  conditions ;  but  he  died  upon  the  way. 

This  account  agrees  with  Mather's.  "  The  Gov- 
ernment sent  that  valiant  and  excellent  commander," 
says  the  Reverend  Doctor,  "  to  fetch  him  down  be- 
fore them.  The  major-general  used  such  expedition 
and  resolution  in  this  affair,  that,  assisted  with  no 
more  than  ten  men,  he  seized  upon  Alexander  at  a 
hunting-house,  notwithstanding  his  numerous  attend- 
ants about  him ;  and  when  the  raging  sachem  saw  a 
pistol  at  his  breast,  with  a  threatening  of  death  to 
him  if  he  did  not  quietly  yield  himself  up  to  go  down 
to  Plymouth,  he  yielded,  though  not  very  quietly, 
thereunto."  Mather  attributes  his  death,  furthermore, 
to  the  "  inward  fury  of  his  own  guilty  and  haughty 
mind."  Now,  even  if  the  sachem  were  not  compelled 
to  travel  faster  or  further  than  was  decent  in  his  un- 
fortunate situation,  as  one  of  our  authorities  is  careful 
to  argue ;  and  granting  to  the  other,  that  he  was  treated 
(on  the  march)  with  no  other  than  that  humanity  and 
civility,  zvhich  was  essential  to  the  Major-General,  it  is 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  153 

abundantly  clear,  we  conceive,  that  a  more  hot-blooded 
or  high-handed  measure  could  hardly  have  been  exe- 
cuted by  the  adventurous  John  Smith  himself.  The 
son  of  Massasoit,  and  the  ruler  of  a  nation  who  had 
been  forty  years  in  alliance  and  warm  friendship  with 
the  Colonists, —  throughout  all  their  feebleness,  and 
in  spite  of  all  the  jealousies  and  provocations, —  was 
assaulted  in  his  own  territory  and  among  his  own  sub- 
jects, insulted,  threatened,  and  finally  forced  to  obey 
a  summons  of  his  ancient  ally  to  appear  before  his 
court  for  his  trial.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  was 
even  apprised  of  the  occasion  which  required  his 
attendance.  And  what  is  worse  than  all  the  rest,  the 
whole  proceeding  was  founded,  so  far  as  we  can  ascer- 
tain, upon  no  better  testimony  than  accusations 
gathered  from  stragglers  at  Boston,  and  then  commu- 
nicated "  by  letters  "  to  Plymouth.  It  must  be  ad- 
mitted, that  a  different  coloring  is  put  upon  the  affair 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Cotton,  whose  relation  may  be  found 
among  the  excellent  notes  appended  to  Mr.  Davis's 
recent  edition  of  Morton.  He  states,  that  the  sachem 
readily  consented  to  attend  Winslow ;  and  that  he  was 
barely  examined  before  certain  justices  at  Eastham, 
and  dismissed.  This  account,  however,  does  not  much 
mitigate  the  essential  circumstances  of  the  case;  and 
it  admits  the  fact,  that  the  sachem  died  within  two  or 
three  days  after  being  carried  home  on  the  shoulders 
of  his  men,  although  the  English  party  seem  to  have 
found  him  in  perfect  health. 

Such  was  the  ignominious  death  of  Alexander, 
and  under  such  circumstances  did  the  government 
devolve  upon  his  brother  Metacom, —  or  Philip,  as 
he  is  generally  called.  That  Prince  seems  to  have 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

assumed  the  Pokanoket  government,  favored  by  a 
more  than  usual  popularity;  for  the  event  was  cele- 
brated by  the  rejoicing  and  revelry  of  multitudes  of 
his  subjects,  sachems  and  others,  gathered  together 
from  the  remotest  limits  of  his  territory.  One  of  his 
earliest  measures,  was  to  appear  with  his  uncle  be- 
fore the  Plymouth  Court,  following  the  example  of 
his  father  and  brother.  He  expressed  an  earnest 
wish  for  the  continuance  of  peace  and  amity;  and 
pledged  himself, —  as  the  Court  did  also  upon  the 
other  hand, —  to  use  all  suitable  measures  for  effecting 
that  desirable  purpose.  For  several  years  after  this, 
the  intercourse  between  the  two  parties  went  on, 
ostensibly,  as  it  had  done  in  former  times,  though 
probably  not  without  some  distrust  upon  both  sides. 

The  first  public  interruption  of  this  harmony  oc- 
curred in  1671,  during  which  season  Philip  was  heard 
to  complain,  openly,  of  certain  encroachments  by  the 
English  upon  his  hunting-grounds.  About  the  same 
time,  rumors  were  circulated  that  his  subjects  fre- 
quently assembled  at  various  places  in  unwonted 
numbers ;  and  were  repairing  their  guns,  and  sharpen- 
ing their  hatchets.  The  Plymouth  Government  were 
alarmed.  They  sent  messengers  to  communicate  with 
the  Massachusetts  Government,  and  at  the  same  time 
other  messengers  to  Philip,  not  "  to  fetch  him  before 
the  Court,"  as  in  the  case  of  his  brother,  but  to  ascer- 
tain his  intentions. 

He  seems  to  have  paid  a  dignified  regard  to  this 
measure.  On  the  10th  of  April,  a  message  was  re- 
ceived from  him,  inviting  the  officers  of  the  Plymouth 
Government  to  a  conference.  It  was  received  by 
the  latter  at  Taunton,  where  also  were  several  gentle- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  155 

men,  despatched  by  the  Massachusetts  Government, 
with  instructions  to  mediate  between  the  contending 
parties.  Governor  Prince,  of  Plymouth,  sent  word 
back  to  Philip, —  who  was  tarrying  meanwhile  at 
what  is  now  called  Three-mile-river,  about  four  miles 
from  Taunton  green, —  that  he  was  heartily  disposed 
to  treat  with  him,  and  expected  that  the  sachem  would 
come  forward  for  that  purpose ;  and  his  personal  safety 
was  guaranteed  in  case  he  should  do  so.  Philip  so 
far  complied  with  the  request,  as  to  advance  a  con- 
siderable distance  nearer  the  village.  He  then  sta- 
tioned himself  at  a  place  called  Grossman's  mill,  placed 
sentinels  on  a  hill  in  his  rear,  and  again  despatched 
messengers  to  the  Governor,  desiring  an  interview. 
This,  the  town's-people,  who  could  scarcely  be  re- 
strained from  falling  forthwith  upon  the  Indian  party, 
would  not  permit.  At  last,  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
missioners, volunteering  to  take  the  supposed  hazard 
upon  themselves,  went  to  Philip,  and  persuaded  him 
to  consent  to  a  conference.  This  was  on  condition 
that  his  men  should  accompany  him ;  and  that  business 
should  be  done  at  the  meeting-house,  one  side  of  which 
was  to  be  reserved  for  the  Wampanoags,  and  the  other 
for  the  English. 

The  council  took  place  agreeably  to  these  arrang- 
ments,  in  the  old  meeting-house  of  Taunton.  The 
English  stood  upon  one  side,  solemn  and  stern  in 
countenance,  as  they  were  formal  in  garb;  and  op- 
posite to  them,  a  line  of  Indian  warriors,  armed  and 
arrayed  for  battle,  their  long  black  hair  hanging  about 
their  necks,  and  their  eyes  gleaming  covertly  with  a 
flame  of  suspicion  and  defiance,  scarcely  to  be  sup- 
pressed. Philip  alone  was  their  orator.  He  denied 


156  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

that  he  entertained  any  hostile  design;  and  promptly 
explained  his  preparations  for  war,  as  intended  for 
defence  against  the  Narraghansetts.  The  Commis- 
sioners rejoined,  however,  with  such  arguments  and 
evidence  as  satisfied  themselves  and  completely  sur- 
prised him.  At  least,  he  affected  to  admit  all  that  was 
alleged  against  him ;  and  though  he  refused  to  give 
compensation  for  past  aggressions,  he  and  some  of  his 
counsellors  subscribed  an  acknowledgment  drawn  up 
by  the  English  in  the  words  following : 

Taunton,  April  10th,  1671. 

Whereas  my  father,  and  my  brother  and  myself 
have  formerly  submitted  ourselves  unto  the  king's 
majesty  of  England,  and  to  this  colony  of  New  Ply- 
mouth, by  solemn  covenant  under  our  hand ;  but  I 
having  of  late,  through  my  indiscretion  and  the  naughti- 
ness of  my  heart,  violated  and  broken  this  my  covenant 
with  my  friends,  by  taking  up  arms  with  an  evil  in- 
tent against  them,  and  that  groundlessly ;  I  being  now 
deeply  sensible  of  my  unfaithfulness  and  folly,  do 
desire  at  this  time  solemnly  to  renew  my  covenant  with 
my  ancient  friends,  and  my  father's  friends  above 
world  against  me  if  ever  I  shall  fail  again  in  my  faith- 
mentioned,  and  do  desire  that  this  may  testify  to  the 
fulness  towards  them  (whom  I  have  now  and  at  all 
times  found  kind  toward  me)  or  any  other  of  the  Eng- 
lish colonies.  And  as  a  pledge  of  my  true  intentions  for 
the  future  to  be  faithful  and  friendly,  I  do  freely  engage 
to  resign  up  to  the  Government  of  New  Plymouth  all 
my  English  arms,  to  be  kept  by  them  for  their  security 
so  long  as  they  shall  see  reason.  For  the  true  per- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  157 

formance  of  the  promises,   I   have   hereunto  set   my 
hand,  together  with  the  rest  of  my  counsel. 

In  presence  of 

WILLIAM  DAVIS, 

WILLIAM  HUDSON, 

THOMAS  BRATTLE. 

The  mark  P  of  PHILIP, 

The  mark  V  of  TAVOSER, 

The  mark  M  of  Capt.  WriSPOKE, 

The  mark  T  of  W^OONCHAPONCHUNK, 

The  mark  8  of  NIMROD." 

From  the  tenor  of  this  submission,  it  has  been 
generally  supposed  that  the  Sachem  was  frightened 
into  it.  Hence  Hubbard  relates,  that  "  one  of  his 
captains,  of  far  better  courage  and  resolution  than 
himself,  when  he  saw  his  cowardly  temper  and  dis- 
position, flung  down  his  arms,  called  him  white-livered 
cur,  or  to  that  purpose,  and  from  that  time  turned  to 
the  English,"  &c.  This  might  be  true,  though  it  is  well 
known,  that  Mr.  Hubbard's  authority  in  regard  to 
every  thing  touching  the  character  of  Philip  is  to  be 
regarded  with  many  allowances  for  his  intemperate 
prejudice.  He  hesitates  not,  almost  as  often  as  he 
finds  occasion  to  mention  his  name,  to  pay  him  the 
passing  compliment  of  '  caitiff,'  '  hell-hound/  '  fiend. 
'  arch-rebel,'  and  various  similar  designations  of  respect 
and  affection. 

But  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  acknowledgement 
was  at  least  a  mere  artifice  to  gain  time.  Apparently 
it  had  no  effect  in  reference  to  the  impending  hostili- 
ties, other  than  to  hasten  them  by  aggravating  the  ill- 
will  of  the  Indians.  It  does  not  appear  that  their  arms 
were  given  up,  even  so  far  as  stipulated  in  the  submis- 
sion. The  following  reply  of  Philip  to  some  commu- 
nication respecting  them  may  be  deemed  exposition 


158  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

of  his  side  of  the  question.    The  precise  date  is  unde- 
termined. 

"  SACHEM  PHILIP,  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought 
to  him  from  the  GOVERNOR  of  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 

First.  Declaring  his  thankfulness  to  the  Governor 
for  his  great  respects  and  kindness  manifested  in  the 
letter. 

Secondly.  Manifesting  his  readiness  to  lay  down 
their  arms,  and  send  his  people  about  their  usual  busi- 
ness and  employments,  as  also  his  great  desire  of  con- 
cluding of  peace  with  neighboring  English. 

Thirdly.  Inasmuch  as  great  fears  and  jealousies 
hath  been  raised  in  their  minds  by  several  persons,  zvhich 
now  they  better  understand  the  falsity  of  such  reports,  as 
hath  formerly  been  conveyed  unto  them,  Philip  doth  hum- 
bly request  the  Governor  will  please  favorably  to  ex- 
cuse and  acquit  them  from  any  payment  of  damage, 
or  surrendering  their  arms,  they  not  apprehending  them- 
selves blameworthy  in  those  late  rumors. 

Fourthly.  They  are  not  at  present  free  to  promise 
to  appear  at  court,  hoping  there  will  be  no  necessity 
of  it,  in  case  their  freedom  for  peace  and  readiness  to 
lay  down  arms  may  be  accepted ;  as  also  suggestions 
of  great  danger  that  will  befall  them,  in  case  they  ap- 
pear, with  harsh  threats  to  the  Sachem,  that  may  be 
considered. 

Per  me,  SAMUEL  GORTEN  Junior." 

Whether  Philip  was  at  this  time  preparing  for  war 
cannot  be  decided :  but  he  was  evidently  as  yet  unpre- 
pared. He  went  to  Boston,  therefore,  during  the 
month  of  August  (1671).  He  knew  the  Massachusetts 
government  to  be  more  friendly  to  him  than  the  Ply- 
mouth ;  and  although  letters  had  arrived  that  very  day 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  159 

from  the  latter  place,  announcing  an  intention  of  de- 
claring war  upon  him  forthwith,  the  Sachem  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  Massachusetts  authorities  of  his 
entire  innocence.  They  sent  a  proposal  to  Plymouth 
for  a  new  council,  to  settle  all  difficulties.  This  being 
declined,  they  gave  their  opinion  decidedly  against 
war.  Staggered  by  this  declaration,  the  government 
of  the  old  colony  consented  to  try  the  effect  of  another 
mediation.  A  conference  of  all  parties  soon  after  took 
place  at  Plymouth :  and  the  following  articles  of  ac- 
commodation were  agreed  upon. 

"  1.  We,  Philip  and  my  council  and  my  subjects, 
do  acknowledge  ourselves  subject  to  his  Majesty  the 
King  of  England,  and  the  government  of  New  Ply- 
mouth, and  to  their  laws. 

2.  I  am  willing  and  do  promise  to  pay  unto  the 
government  of  Plymouth  one  hundred  pounds  in  such 
things  as  I  have ;  but  I  would  intreat  the  favor  that  I 
might  have  three  years  to  pay  it  in,  forasmuch  as  I 
cannot  do  it  at  present. 

3.  I   do  promise   to   send  unto  the   governor,   or 
whom  he  shall  appoint,  five  wolves'  heads,  if  I  can 
get  them ;  or  as  many  as  I  can  procure,  until  they  come 
to  five  wolves  yearly. 

4.  If  any  difference  fall  between  the  English  and 
myself  and  people,  then  I  do  promise  to  repair  to  the 
governor    of    Plymouth,     to    rectify    the     difference 
amongst  us. 

5.  I  do  promise  not  to  make  war  with  any,  but 
with  the  Governor's  approbation  of  Plymouth. 

6.  I  promise  not  to  dispose  of  any  of  the  lands 
that  I  have  at  present,  but  by  the  approbation  of  the 
governor  of  Plymouth. 


160  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

For  the  true  performance  of  the  premises,  I  the 
said  Sachem ;  Philip  of  Paukamakett,  do  hereby  bind 
myself,  and  such  of  my  council  as  are  present,  our- 
selves, our  heirs,  our  successors,  faithfully,  and  do 
promise ;  in  witness  thereof,  we  have  hereunto  sub- 
scribed our  hands,  the  day  and  year  above  written. 

[In  the  presence  of  the  Court,       The  mark  P  of  PHILIP. 
divers  magistrates,  &c.]  The  mark  t  of  WOCOKON. 

The  mark  [  of  UNCOMPAEN. 
The  mark  7  of  SAMKAMA." 

This  negotiation  was  a  new  stratagem :  and  the  suc- 
cess of  it  answered  the  purpose  of  Philip  completely ; 
for  although  he  does  not  appear  to  have  killed  one 
wolf,  or  paid  one  cent,  even  "  in  such  things  as  he 
had,"  nothing  occurred  for  three  years,  to  rouse  the 
suspicions  of  the  Colonies.  There  can  scarcely  be  a 
doubt,  that  during  all  this  time, — if  not  for  a  longer 
time  previous, — the  sachem  was  maturing  one  of  the 
grandest  plans  ever  conceived  by  any  savage ; — that 
of  utterly  exterminating  the  English  of  the  northern 
provinces.  This,  he  was  well  aware,  could  only  be 
done  by  means  commensurate  with  the  danger  and 
difficulty  of  the  enterprise.  The  Colonies  were  no 
longer  the  feeble  and  timid  allies,  known  fifty  years 
before  to  his  father.  They  had  grown  in  numbers  and 
in  strength ;  and  still  more  in  experience  and  spirit. 
Nothing  less,  than  a  general  union  of  the  New  Eng- 
land tribes,  who  lived  among  and  around  them  all, 
would  furnish  a  safe  guarantee  for  the  complete  suc- 
cess of  such  a  war  as  was  now  meditated. 

To  that  great  preparation,  then,  the  whole  energies 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  161 

of  Philip  must  be  devoted.  It  was  as  difficult,  he  well 
knew,  as  it  was  desirable.  The  ruler  of  one  small 
confederacy, — already  suspected,  and  constantly  under 
the  close  scrutiny  of  his  powerful  neighbors, — he  must 
unite  and  interest  in  one  common  object,  a  multitude 
of  scattered  nations  who  had  met  and  known  each 
other,  until  this  time,  only  in  jealousy,  envy,  revenge, 
and  in  many  cases  hereditary  and  inveterate  war ;  and 
among  whose  councils  no  similar  plan,  for  any  pur- 
pose whatever,  had  ever  been  conceived  of.  How  far 
Philip  surmounted  these  obstacles,  will  be  seen.  The 
great  train  of  events  we  are  approaching,  are  so  inter- 
esting both  as  a  passage  of  general  history,  and  still 
more,  as  they  implicate  and  illustrate  the  character  of 
Philip,  that  it  may  be  proper  to  take  some  notice  of 
the  causes  which  gave  rise  to  them.  It  is  well  known, 
that  his  English  contemporaries  looked  upon  him,  very 
generally,  with  feelings  far  from  benevolent.  It  was 
natural  under  the  circumstances  that  they  should  do 
so ;  but  it  is  no  more  necessary,  than  it  is  philosophical 
or  just,  on  the  other  hand,  to  confide  implicitly  either 
in  their  opinions  or  their  statements.  Philip  and  his 
Wampanoags  are  unlucky  enough,  like  the  lion  in 
the  fable,  to  have  no  painter. 

It  should  be  observed  here,  that  Philip  like  his  elder 
brother,  unquestionably  considered  himself  an  ally 
and  not  a  subject  of  the  English; — at  least,  until  his 
nominal  submission  in  1671.  Even  the  same  authori- 
ties who  record  this  submission,  speak  of  his  renewing 
his  ancient  covenant,  (as  indeed  the  instrument  itself 
shows.)  A  distinct  article  recognises  Massasoit  as  an 
independent  sovereign.  Philip,  then,  held  the  same  re- 
lation to  the  English,  that  his  father  and  brother  had 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 11 


163  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

done  for  the  fifty  years,  during  which  the  two  parties 
had  treated  and  associated  upon  equal  and  intimate 
terms.  He  was  bound  by  the  same  engagements,  and 
possessed  of  the  same  rights;  and  it  only  remains  to 
be  seen,  if  due  regard  was  paid  to  these  circumstances 
upon  either  side. 

Now,  we  look  upon  the  assault  of  Alexander,  in 
1662,  in  the  first  place,  as  not  only  a  sufficient  cause  of 
suspicion  and  resentment,  but  of  war;  and  that,  upon 
the  best  construction  which  can  be  put  upon  the  most 
favorable  of  the  ex-parte  relations  that  appear  upon 
record.  By  the  old  treaty  itself,  which  Alexander  also 
took  the  gratuitous  trouble  to  renew, — and  without  any 
reference  to  courtesy  or  humanity  or  to  national  fidel- 
ity, or  to  personal  friendship,  existing  up  to  this  date, 
— the  English  were  bound  generally  to  treat  him  as 
an  allied  sovereign,  and  especially  to  make  a  prelim- 
inary demand  of  satisfaction,  in  all  cases  of  complaint. 
We  have  seen  that  the  charge  brought  against  him  in 
1662, — vague  and  unsupported  as  it  was, — was  not  so 
much  as  explained  to  the  sachem,  previously  to  his 
being  taken  from  his  own  territory  by  an  armed  force, 
and  carried  before  an  English  Justice  of  the  Peace. 
In  no  other  instance  does  the  Plymouth  Colony  seem 
to  have  exercised  an  authority  of  this  nature,  even 
over  the  meanest  subjects  of  the  sachem.  "  Inasmuch 
as  complaint  is  made,  that  many  Indians  pass  into  di- 
vers places  of  this  jurisdiction,"  say  the  records  of  the 
Colony  for  1660,  "  it  is  enacted  that  no  strange  or  for- 
eign Indians  be  permitted  to  become  residents,  and 
'  that  notice  be  given  to  the  several  sagamores  to  pre- 
vent the  same.9  "  A  remark  might  be  made  upon  the 
policy  of  laws  like  these,  so  far  as  the  Pokanokets  were 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  163 

concerned ;  as  also  of  the  acts  of  1652,  and  1653,  which 
prohibited  the  sale  of  casks,  barques,  boats  and  horses, 
to  the  Indians,  besides  providing  a  punishment  for 
such  of  them,  resident  in  the  Colony,  as  should  violate 
the  Christian  sabbath,  or  discharge  their  guns  in  the 
riight-time.  But  these  regulations  the  Government 
had  an  undoubted  right  to  make,  as  Massasoit  and 
Philip  had  possessed  a  right, — which,  however,  they 
were  complaisant  enough  to  relinquish, — of  selling 
their  own  lands  to  purchasers  of  their  own  choosing. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  previous  to  the  sub- 
mission of  1671.  With  regard  to  this,  it  is  quite  clear 
that,  even  if  Philip  was  made  to  understand  the  instru- 
ment which  it  is  well  known  he  could  not  read,  he 
could  look  upon  it  only  as  an  insult,  imposed  upon  him 
under  circumstances  amounting  to  duress.  Independ- 
ently of  any  force,  too,  he  must  have  thought  himself 
justified,  by  the  manifest  disposition  and  the  summary 
measures  of  the  English,  in  availing  himself  of  any 
stratagem  to  lull  suspicion  and  to  gain  time.  He 
might,  or  might  not,  at  this  period  or  before,  have 
meditated  acting  offensively  against  them,  in  revenge 
of  the  indignity  suffered  by  his  brother  and  his  nation ; 
but  it  was  certainly  both  prudent  and  patriotic  in  him, 
to  put  himself  on  the  defensive.  He  had  a  right,  it 
appears  to  us,  both  to  drill  his  own  people  in  martial 
exercises,  and  to  make  alliances  with  his  Indian  neigh- 
bors. 

It  might  have  been  a  safe  policy  in  the  Plymouth 
Government,  to  have  considered  these  things,  in  re- 
gard at  least  to  what  they  might  call  the  jealous  and 
barbarous  prejudices  of  the  Indians,  before  proceeding 
to  extremities  with  either  Alexander  or  Philip.  On  the 


164  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

contrary,  while  they  enacted  laws,  and  encouraged 
accusations,  and  took  the  execution  of  the  penalty  of 
them  into  their  own  hands,  they  used  no  other  means 
to  conciliate  Philip,  but  sending  for  him  to  appear  be- 
fore "  the  Plymouth  Court."  Whether  they  were  cauti- 
ous in  all  other  respects  after  this  time  to  avoid  offence, 
it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  history  should  enable  us 
to  determine.  We  find,  however,  that  certain  of  the 
Colonists,  in  1673,  took  upon  them  to  negotiate  trea- 
ties for  land  with  private  subjects  of  Philip;  and  there 
is  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  they  entered  and  kept  pos- 
session accordingly.  As  the  sachems  are  known  to 
have  been  as  tenacious  of  their  territory  in  claim,  as 
they  were  liberal  of  it  in  disposal,  it  may  well  be  con- 
ceived that  this  first  instance  of  a  similar  nature  upon 
record,  should  occasion  Philip  no  little  dissatisfaction. 
In  imitation  of  the  English  courtesy  he  might  have  dis- 
patched Nimrod,  Tobias,  Woonkaponcpunt,  or  some 
other  of  his  "  valiant  and  excellent "  majors-generals 
to  "  fetch  down  "  the  offending  grantees  to  Sowams. 
He  seems  to  have  taken  no  express  notice  of  the  affair. 
But  that  he  understood  his  territorial  rights,  is  appar- 
ent from  the  singular  communication  which  follows. 
It  is  preserved  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  (volume  second  of  the  first  series,) 
as  precisely  copied  from  the  original,  which  is  still 
preserved  at  Plymouth. 

"  King  Philip  desire  to  let  you  understand  that  he 
could  not  come  to  the  Court,  for  Tom,  his  interpreter, 
has  a  pain  in  his  back,  that  he  could  not  travel  so  far, 
and  Philip  sister  is  very  sik. 

"  Philip  would  intreat  that  favor  of  you,  and  aney 
of  the  magistrats  if  aney  English  or  Engians  speak  about 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  165 

aney  land,  he  pray  you  to  give  them  no  answer  at  all.  This 
last  summer  he  made  that  promis  with  you,  that  he 
would  not  sell  no  land  in  seven  years  time,  for  that  he 
would  have  no  English  trouble  him  before  that  time,  he  has 
not  forgot  that  you  promis  him. 

"  He  will  come  as  soon  as  possible  as  he  can  to 
speak  with  you,  and  so  I  rest,  you  very  loving  friend, 
Philip,  dwelling  at  mount  hope  nek." 

This  unique  letter  is  addressed  "  To  the  much  hon- 
ered  Governor,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  dwelling  at  Ply- 
mouth." As  Philip  himself  could  neither  read  nor 
write,  the  honor  of  the  orthography  and  construction 
must  be  attributed  to  the  infirm  interpreter.  But  the 
sentiments  are  worthy  of  the  sachem  himself,  and  they 
certainly  manifest  a  mingled  civility  and  independence 
wrhich  do  him  great  credit.  No  date  is  affixed  to  the 
letter.  If  it  do  not  refer  to  the  transaction  just  men- 
tioned, it  was  probably  prompted  by  some  other  of  the 
same  description.  The  interest  which  the  sachem  felt 
in  cases  of  this  kind,  is  apparent  from  one  of  his  own 
conveyances,  made  in  1668.  It  was  of  a  tract  included 
within  the  present  limits  of  Rochester,  upon  the  sea- 
shore. He  drafted  an  accurate  plan  of  it  with  his  own 
hand,  (still  preserved  upon  the  records  of  tlie  Old  Col- 
ony) and  forwarded  it  to  the  Court,  with  the  following 
explanation. 

"  This  may  inform  the  honorable  Court,"  we  read, 
"  that  I,  Philip,  am  willing  to  sell  the  land  within  this 
draught,  but  the  Indians  that  are  upon  it  may  live  upon 
it  still ;  but  the  land  that  is  mine  that  is  sold,  and 
Watashpoo  is  of  the  same  mind.  I  have  put  down  all 
the  principal  names  of  the  land  we  are  now  willing 


166  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

should  be  sold."  Watashpoo  was  probably  one  of  the 
occupants,  chiefly  interested  in  the  case.  The  letter 
ends  thus ;  "  Known  all  Men  by  these  Presents,  That 
Philip  has  given  power  unto  Watashpoo,  and  Samp- 
son, and  their  brethren,  to  hold  and  make  sale  of  said 
land  to  whom  they  will,"  &c.  This  letter  must  have 
been  sent  in  compliance  with  some  request  from  his 
Plymouth  friends.  It  is  dated  at  Pocanauket ;  sub- 
scribed by  the  capital  P,  which  was  the  sachem's  mark ; 
and  attested,  and  no  doubt  written,  by  his  secretary, 
John  Sassamon. 

Sassamon  is  distinguished  in  history  as  having  been 
the  immediate  occasion  of  the  first  open  hostilities. 
He  was  born  in  some  family  of  preying  Indians,  and 
after  receiving  a  tolerable  education  at  Cambridge 
and  other  places,  was  employed  as  a  school-master  at 
Natick.  The  composition  above  cited  rather  sup- 
ports Hubbard's  remark,  that  he  was  a  "  cunning  and 
plausible  Indian,  well  skilled  in  the  English  language. " 
This  writer  says,  that  he  left  the  English  on  account 
of  some  misdemeanor.  Mather  states,  that  "  aposta- 
tizing from  the  profession  of  Christianity,  he  lived  like 
a  heathen,  in  the  quality  of  secretary  to  King  Philip." 
He  adds,  that  he  afterwards  deserted  the  sachem,  and 
gave  such  notable  evidences  of  repentance,  as  to  be 
employed  in  preaching  among  the  Indians  at  Natick, 
under  the  eye  of  his  old  instructer,  the  venerable  Eliot. 

This  was  another  of  the  provocations  which  must 
have  annoyed  Philip.  Hubbard  states  expressly,  that 
Sassamon  was  importunately  urged  to  forsake  him ; 
and  it  appears  from  other  sources,  that  there  had  pre- 
viously been  such  an  entire  confidence  between  the 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  167 

two,  that  the  Secretary  was  entrusted  with  all  the  se- 
crets of  his  master.  The  provocation  went  still  far- 
ther. Sassamon,  either  having  or  pretending  to  have 
some  occasion  to  go  among  the  Pokanokets  frequently, 
availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  scrutinize  their 
movements,  and  to  report  them  as  he  thought  proper 
to  the  English.  In  consequence  of  this,  Philip  and 
some  of  his  subjects  were  '  examined/  we  are  told, 
but  nothing  definite  was  learned  from  them.  Soon 
after,  Sassamon  disappeared ;  and  as  he  had  expressed 
some  well-founded  fears  of  meeting  with  a  violent 
death  in  the  course  of  these  manoeuvres,  his  friends 
were  alarmed.  They  commenced  a  search,  and  finally 
found  his  dead  body  in  Assawomset  pond,  (in  Middle- 
borough)  where  a  hole  in  the  ice,  through  which  he 
had  been  thrust,  was  still  open,  and  his  hat  and  gun 
left  near  by,  as  if  he  had  drowned  himself.  "  Further- 
more," says  Mather,  "  upon  the  jealousies  of  the  spirits 
of  men  that  he  might  have  met  with  some  foul  play,  a 
jury  was  empanelled,  unto  whom  it  appeared  that  his 
neck  was  broken,  which  is  one  Indian  way  of  murdering." 
The  next  step  of  the  Plymouth  Government  was  to 
seize  upon  three  Pokanoket  Indians,  on  the  testimony 
of  a  fourth,  "  found"  says  Hubbard  "  by  a  strange  prov- 
idence" This  man  swore  that  he  had  seen  the  murder 
committed  from  a  hill  near  the  pond.  It  must  be  in« 
ferred  that  he  swore  to  the  identity  of  the  prisoners, 
for  it  appears  that  they  were  convicted  from  "  his  un- 
deniable testimony  and  other  circumstances,"  and 
forthwith  hanged.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  legal, 
the  moral  probability  certainly  is,  that  they  were  guilty. 
They  were  probably  appointed  to  execute  the  judg- 


168  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ment  of  Philip  upon  Sassamon,  one  of  them  being  To- 
bias, a  man  of  some  distinction.  At  all  events,  Philip 
must  have  thought  himself  justified  in  taking  this  sum- 
mary measure  with  a  vagabond  who  was  mean  enough 
to  avail  himself,  as  Sassamon  did,  of  being  tolerated 
in  his  territory  after  having  betrayed  his  confidence, 
and  apparently  for  the  very  purpose  of  following  up 
his  own  treason. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Preparations  for  war  between  Philip  and  the  Colonies. — Great  excitement 
of  the  times. — Deposition  of  Hugh  Cole. — Immediate  occasion  of  hos- 
tilities.— Commencement  of  them,  June  24th,  1675. — Summary  sketch 
of  the  war. — Consequences  to  the  parties  engaged. — Exertions,  adven- 
tures and  escapes  of  King  Philip. — His  death. — Anecdotes  respecting 
him. — Observations  on  his  character. — His  courage,  dignity,  kindness, 
independence,  shrewdness,  and  self-command. — Fate  of  his  family. — 
Defence  of  his  conduct. 

WHATEVER  had  previously  been  the  dis- 
position or  determination  of  Philip,  it  is 
universally  agreed,  that  subsequent  to  the 
transaction  mentioned  at  the  close  of  the  last  chapter, 
he  took  but  little  pains  either  to  conceal  his  own  hos- 
tility or  to  check  that  of  his  subjects.  It  would  be  in- 
credible that  he  should.  He  well  remembered  what 
had  happened  to  his  brother  in  much  more  peaceable 
times ;  and,  as  several  historians  intimate,  he  must 
actually  have  apprehended  '  the  danger  his  own  head 
was  in  next/  A  passage  in  one  of  his  letters  hereto- 
fore cited,  is  to  the  same  purpose — "  as  also  sugges- 
tions of  great  danger  in  case  they  [his  subjects]  there 
[at  Plymouth]  appear;  with  harsh  threats  to  the  sa- 
chem, that  may  be  considered." 

Every  preparation  was  now  made  for  the  impend- 
ing crisis  on  either  side.    The  following  ancient  docu- 

(169) 


170  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ment,  taken  from  the  records  of  Plymouth,  shows  that 
the  agitation  of  all  the  parties  concerned  had  already 
arrived  to  a  high  pitch.  It  is  the  deposition  of  one 
Hugh  Cole,  taken  in  court  previous  to  Sassamon's 
death,  and  attested  by  Nathaniel  Morton  as  secretary: 
"  Hugh  Cole,  aged  forty-three,  or  thereabouts,  be- 
ing deposed,  saith ; — That  in  February  last  past  be- 
fore the  date  hereof,  he  went  to  Shewamett,  and  two 
Englishmen  more  with  him :  and  that  their  business 
was  to  persuade  the  Indians  to  go  to  Plymouth,  to  answer 
a  complaint  made  by  Hezekiah  Luther.  The  Indians 
(saith  he)  seeing  us,  came  out  of  the  house  towards 
us,  being  many  of  them,  at  the  least  twenty  or  thirty, 
with  staves  in  their  hand ;  and  when  the  Indians  saw 
there  were  but  three  of  us,  they  laid  down  their  staves 
again.  Then  we  asked  the  Indians  what  they  did  with 
those  staves  in  their  hands?  They  answered,  that 
they  looked  for  Englishmen  to  come  from  Plymouth, 
to  seek  Indians,  to  carry  them  to  Plymouth.  But  they 
said  they  were  not  willing  to  go.  And  some  time  after, 
in  the  same  morning,  Philip,  the  chief  sachem,  sent  for 
me  to  come  to  him ;  and  I  went  to  Mount  Hope  to  him ; 
and  when  I  came  to  Mount  Hope,  I  saw  most  of  the 
Indians  that  I  knew  of  Shawemett  Indians,  there  at 
Mount  Hope,  and  they  were  generally  employed  in 
making  bows  and  arrows,  and  half  pikes,  and  fixing 
up  of  guns.  And  I  saw  many  Indians  of  several  places 
repair  towards  Mount  Hope.  And  some  days  after  I 
came  from  Mount  Hope,  I,  with  several  others,  saw 
one  of  Captain  Willett's  rangers,  coming  on  post  on 
horseback,  who  told  us,  that  king  Philip  was  marched 
up  the  neck  with  about  three  score  men;  and  Zacary 
Eddy,  on  his  report,  went  to  see  if  he  could  find  them ; 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  171 

and  he  found  them  towards  the  upper  part  of  the  neck, 
in  several  companies.  One  Caleb  Eddy  further  saith, 
that  he  saw  many  there  in  arms ;  and  I  was  informed 
by  John  Padduck,  that  he  saw  two  several  guns 
loaded  with  bullets  or  slugs.  And  I  further  testify, 
that  those  Indians  that  I  saw  come  towards  Mount 
Hope,  as  aforesaid,  came  better  armed  than  I  usually 
have  seen  them.  Further  saith  not/' 

The  Pokanokets  mustered  at  Mount  Hope,  early  in 
the  spring  of  1675,  from  all  quarters,  and  the  whole 
country  was  in  agitation.  The  ungovernable  fury  of 
some  of  these  fierce  warriors  was  the  immediate  occa- 
sion of  the  war  which  ensued.  They  had  not  the  power 
which  Philip  himself  had,  of  enduring  provocation 
with  the  reservation  of  revenge ;  and  they  were  by  no 
means  so  well  aware,  on  the  other  hand,  of  the  advan- 
tages to  be  gained  by  such  a  course.  At  length,  a 
party  of  them  expressed  their  feelings  so  intolerably — 
soon  after  the  execution  of  their  three  countrymen — 
that  an  Englishman  at  Swanzey  discharged  his  musket 
at  one  of  them,  and  wounded  him.  This  affair  took 
place  June  24,  1675,  a  day  memorable  in  American  his- 
tory as  the  commencement  of  Philip's  War.  "  Now," 
says  a  reverend  historian  of  those  times,  "  a  war  was 
begun  by  a  fierce  nation  of  Indians  upon  an  honest, 
harmless  Christian  generation  of  English,  who  might 
very  truly  have  said  unto  the  aggressors,  as  it  was 
said  of  old  unto  the  Ammonites,  '  I  have  not  sinned 
against  thec,  but  thou  doest  me  zvrong  to  war  against  me.' '' 
Such  no  doubt  was  the  persuasion  of  a  large  majority 
of  the  cotemporary  countrymen  of  the  learned  divine. 

Hostilities  were  now  promptly  undertaken.  A  let- 
ter was  sent  to  Philip,  in  the  month  of  June,  which,  of 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

course,  did  no  good ;  applications  were  also  made  to 
the  Massachusetts  Government  for  immediate  assist- 
ance ;  forces  were  raised  and  stationed  throughout  the 
Colony ;  and  matters  very  soon  after  proceeded  to  a 
length  which  made  compromise  or  conciliation  impos- 
sible. We  do  not  intend  to  give  for  the  present  the 
well-known  particulars  of  this  celebrated  war.  It  is 
sufficient  to  observe,  that  it  was  carried  on  for  more 
than  a  year  with  a  violence,  and  amid  an  excitement 
unparalleled,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  the  country; 
and  that  it  terminated  with  the  death  of  Philip,  late  in 
the  season  of  1676. 

The  result  of  it  was  decisive,  as  the  sachem  was 
well  awrare  that  it  would  be,  of  the  fate  of  the  New 
England  Indians.  The  Pakanokets  were  nearly  ex- 
terminated. The  Narraghansetts  lost  about  one  thou- 
sand of  their  number  in  the  celebrated  swamp-fight  at 
Sunke-Squaw.  All  the  Indians  on  the  Connecticut 
river,  and  most  of  the  Nipmucks  who  survived,  fled 
to  Canada,  (where  they  were  subsequently  of  great 
service  to  the  French)  and  a  few  hundreds  took  refuge 
in  New  York.  The  English  detachment  of  Captain 
Church  alone,  are  estimated  to  have  killed  about  seven 
hundred  between  June  and  October  of  1676.  Large 
numbers  of  those  who  were  captured  were  sent  out  of 
the  country,  and  sold  as  slaves. 

But  the  triumph  of  the  conqueror  was  dearly 
bought.  The  whole  fighting  force  of  the  four  Colo- 
nies seems  to  have  been  almost  constantly  in  requisi- 
tion. Between  one  and  two  thousand  men  were  en- 
gaged at  the  swamp-fight  alone, — an  immense  force 
for  a  population  of  scarcely  forty  thousand  English 
throughout  New  England.  Thirteen  towns  were  en- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  173 

tirely  destroyed  by  the  enemy;  six  hundred  dwelling- 
houses  burned ;  and  about  the  same  number  of  English- 
men killed,  so  that  almost  every  family  lost  a  relative. 
The  mere  expense  of  the  war  must  have  been  very 
great;  for  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies 
afterwards  estimated  the  disbursements  of  the  Old 
Colony  alone,  at  more  than  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds. 

Such  was  the  war  of  King  Philip — sustained  and 
managed,  upon  his  side,  by  his  own  single-handed  en- 
ergy and  talent  alone.  Not  that  the  sixty  Wampa- 
noags  of  the  sachem's  own  house-hold,  as  it  were,  or 
even  the  various  tribes  of  the  Pokanoket  country,  were 
his  sole  supporters ;  but  that  all  the  other  tribes,  which 
supported  him,  did  it  in  consequence  of  his  influence, 
and  were  induced  to  unite  and  operate  together,  as 
they  never  had  done  before,  under  his  control.  Some 
writers  have  asserted,  that  he  engaged  the  various 
Atlantic  tribes  as  far  south  as  Virginia  to  assist  him ; 
but  of  this  there  is  no  proof,  and  it  is  rendered  im- 
probable by  the  great  want  of  inter-communication 
among  the  tribes. 

Nor  is  it  true,  as  other  writers  have  stated,  that  all 
the  natives  of  New  England  itself  were  involved  with 
Philip.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  the  most  trying  cir- 
cumstance of  the  great  struggle  of  the  sachem,  that 
he  had  not  only  to  rely  upon  bringing  and  keeping 
together  scores  of  petty  cantons,  as  jealous  of  each 
other  from  time  immemorial  as  so  many  Highland 
clans ;  but  he  had  to  watch  and  resist,  openly  and 
secretly,  all  who  would  not  join  him,  besides  the  mul- 
titudes who  deserted,  betrayed  and  opposed  him.  The 
New  Hampshire  tribes  mostly  withdrew  from  the  con- 


174  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

test.  The  preying  Indians,  of  whom  there  were  then 
thousands,  either  remained  neutral,  or  like  Sassamon 
turned  against  their  own  race.  One  of  Philip's  own 
tribes  forsook  him  in  his  misfortunes ;  and  the  Pequots 
and  Mohegans  of  Connecticut  kept  the  field  against 
him  from  the  very  first  day  of  the  war  to  the  last.  It 
may  be  supposed,  that  some  of  these  tribes  were  sur- 
prised, as  Philip  himself  was,  by  the  sudden  breaking 
out  of  the  war,  a  year  before  the  time  which  had  been 
„  fixed  for  it.  This  was  occasioned  by  the  proceedings 
in  which  Sassamon  was  concerned,  and  by  the  ungov- 
ernable fury  of  a  few  of  the  young  warriors. 

Philip  is  said  to  have  wept  at  these  tidings  of  the 
first  outrage  of  the  war.  He  relented,  perhaps,  sav- 
age as  he  was,  at  the  idea  of  disturbing  the  long  amity 
which  his  father  had  preserved;  but  he  may  well  have 
regretted,  certainly,  that  being  once  forced  upon  the 
measure  he  should  enter  the  battle-field  unprepared 
for  what  he  well  knew  must  be  the  last,  as  it  was  the 
first,  great  contest  between  the  red  men  and  the  whites. 
But  the  die  was  cast,  and  though  Philip  never  smiled 
after  that  memorable  hour  just  alluded  to,  his  whole 
soul  was  bent  upon  the  business  before  him.  Day  nor 
night,  scarcely  was  there  rest  for  his  limbs  or  sleep  for 
his  eyes.  His  resources  must  have  been  feeble  enough, 
had  his  plans,  now  embarrassed,  succeeded  to  his  ut- 
most wish ;  but  he  girded  himself,  as  it  was,  with  a 
proud  heart  for  the  mortal  struggle.  The  strength 
of  his  own  dominions  was  about  six  hundred  warriors, 
ready,  and  more  than  ready,  long  since,  for  the  war- 
cry.  The  whole  force  of  his  old  enemies,  the  Narra- 
ghansetts,  was  already  engaged  to  him.  He  had  nego- 
tiated, also,  with  the  Nipmucks  and  the  tribes  on  the 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  175 

Connecticut  and  farther  west,  and  one  after  another, 
these  were  soon  induced  to  join  him.  Nor  was  it  six 
weeks  from  the  first  hostilities,  before  all  the  Indians 
along  the  coast  of  Maine,  for  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
miles,  were  eagerly  engaged,  in  what  Philip  told  them 
was  the  common  cause  of  the  race. 

That  no  arts  might  be  left  untried,  even  while  the 
court  were  condemning  his  three  subjects,  he  was  hold- 
ing a  grand  war-dance  at  Sowams,  and  mustering  his 
tawny  warriors  around  him  from  all  quarters.  Several 
tribes  afterwards  confessed  to  the  English,  that  Philip 
had  thus  inveigled  them  into  the  war.  And  again,  no 
sooner  were  his  forces  driven  back  upon  the  Connecti- 
cut river  tribes,  about  the  first  of  September,  1675, 
than  he  enlisted  new  allies  among  them.  The  Hadley 
Indians,  who  had  joined  the  English,  — very  likely  at 
his  instigation, — were  suspected,  and  fled  to  him. 
Their  Springfield  neighbors,  soon  after,  joined  three 
hundred  of  Philip's  men,  in  an  attack  upon  that  town ; 
and  thus  the  whole  Nipmuck  country  was  involved. 
In  the  course  of  the  ensuing  winter,  the  sachem  is 
said  to  have  visited  the  Mohawks  in  New  York.  Not 
succeeding  in  gaining  their  alliance  by  fair  argument, 
he  was  desperate  enough  to  kill  some  of  their  strag- 
gling young  men  in  the  woods,  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  blame  would  obviously  be  charged  upon  the  Eng- 
lish. But  this  strategem  was  defeated,  by  the  escape 
of  one  who  had  only  been  stunned  by  the  sachem. 
The  latter  was  obliged  to  take  abrupt  leave  of  his 
hosts ;  and  from  that  time,  they  were  among  his  worst 
enemies. 

His  situation  during  the  last  few  months  of  the 
war,  was  so  deplorable,  and  yet  his  exertions  so  well 


176  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

sustained,  that  we  can  only  look  upon  him  with  pity 
and  admiration.  His  successes  for  some  time  past 
had  been  tremendous ;  but  the  tide  began  to  ebb.  The 
whole  power  of  the  Colonies  was  in  the  field,  aided 
by  guides  and  scouting-parties  of  his  own  race.  The 
Saconets,  the  subjects  of  a  near  relation  of  his  own, 
enlisted  under  Church.  Other  tribes  complained  and 
threatened.  Their  territory,  as  well  as  his,  had  been 
over-run,  their  settlements  destroyed,  and  their  plant- 
ing and  fishing  grounds  all  occupied  by  the  English. 
Those  of  them  who  were  not  yet  hunted  down,  were 
day  and  night  followed  into  swamps  and  forests,  and 
reduced  to  live, — if  they  did  not  actually  starve  or 
* freeze, — upon  the  least  and  worst  food  to  be  conceived 
of.  Hundreds  died  of  diseases  incurred  in  this  man- 
ner. "  I  have  eaten  horse,"  said  one  of  these  miser- 
able wretches,  "  but  now  horse  is  eating  me."  Another 
informed  Church,  on  one  occasion,  that  about  three 
hundred  Indians  had  gone  a  long  way  to  Swanzey,  in 
the  heat  of  the  war,  for  the  purpose  of  eating  clams, 
and  that  Philip  was  soon  to  follow  them.  At  another 
time  the  valiant  captain  himself  captured  a  large  party. 
Finding  it  convenient  to  attack  a  second  directly  after, 
he  bade  the  first  wait  for  him,  and  join  him  at  a  cer- 
tain rendezvous.  The  day  after  the  skirmish,  "  they 
came  to  him  as  they  were  ordered,"  and  he  drove  them 
all  together,  that  very  night,  into  Bridgewater  pound, 
and  set  his  Saconet  soldiers  to  guard  them.  "  Being 
well  treated  with  victuals  and  drink,"  he  adds,  with 
great  simplicity,  "they  had  a  merry  night,  and  the 
prisoners  laughed  as  loud  as  the  soldiers ;  not  being  so 
treated  for  a  long  time  before" 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  177 

The  mere  physical  sufferings  of  Philip,  meanwhile, 
are  almost  incredible.  It  is  by  his  hair-breadth  es- 
capes, indeed,  that  he  is  chiefly  visible  during  the  war. 
Occasionally,  the  English  come  close  upon  him ;  he 
starts  up,  like  the  roused  lion,  plunges  into  the  river  or 
leaps  the  precipice;  and  nothing  more  is  seen  of  him 
for  months.  Only  a  few  weeks  after  the  war  com- 
menced, he  was  surrounded  in  the  great  Pocasset 
swamp,  and  obliged  to  escape  from  his  vigilant  ene- 
mies by  rafting  himself,  with  his  best  men,  over  the 
great  Taunton  river,  while  their  women  and  children 
were  left  to  be  captured.  On  his  return  to  the  same 
neighborhood,  the  next  season,  a  captive  guided  the 
English  to  his  encampment.  Philip  fled  in  such  haste 
as  to  leave  his  kettle  upon  the  fire ;  twenty  of  his 
comrades  were  overtaken  and  killed ;  and  he  himself 
escaped  to  the  swamp,  precisely  as  he  had  formerly 
escaped  from  it.  Here  his  uncle  was  shot  soon  after- 
wards at  his  side.  Upon  the  next  day,  Church,  discov- 
ering an  Indian  seated  on  a  fallen  tree,  made  to  answer 
the  purpose  of  a  bridge  over  the  river,  raised  his  mus- 
ket and  deliberately  aimed  at  him.  "  It  is  one  of  our 
own  party,"  whispered  a  savage,  who  crept  behind  him. 
Church  lowered  his  gun,  and  the  stranger  turned  his 
head.  It  was  Philip  himself,  musing,  perhaps,  upon 
the  fate  which  awaited  him.  Church  fired,  but  his 
royal  enemy  had  already  fled  down  the  bank.  He 
escaped  from  a  close  and  bloody  skirmish  a  few  hours 
afterwards. 

He  was  now  a  desolate  and  desperate  man,  the  last 
prince  of  an  ancient  race,  without  subjects,  without 
territory,  accused  by  his  allies,  betrayed  by  his  com- 
rades, hunted  like  a  spent  deer  by  blood-hounds,  in 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 12 


178  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

daily  hazard  of  famishing,  and  with  no  shelter  day  or 
night  for  his  head.  All  his  chief  counsellors  and  best 
friends  had  been  killed.  His  brother  was  slain  in  the 
Pocasset  swamp ;  his  uncle  was  shot  down  at  his  own 
side ;  and  his  wife  and  only  son  were  captured  when 
he  himself  so  narrowly  escaped  from  the  fire  of  Church. 
And  could  he  have  fled  for  the  last  time  from  the  soil 
of  his  own  country,  he  would  still  have  found  no  rest 
or  refuge.  He  had  betaken  himself  once  to  a  place 
between  York  and  Albany;  but  even  here,  as  Church 
says,  the  Moohags  made  a  descent  upon  him  and  killed 
many  of  his  men.  His  next  kennelling-place  was  at 
the  fall  of  Connecticut  river,  above  Deerfield,  where, 
some  time  after,  "  Captain  Turner  found  him,  came 
upon  him  by  night,  killed  a  great  many  men,  and 
frightened  many  more  into  the  river,  that  were  hunted 
down  the  falls  and  drowned."  He  lost  three  hundred 
men  at  this  time.  They  were  in  their  encampments, 
asleep  and  unguarded.  The  English  rushed  upon  them, 
and  they  fled  in  every  direction,  half-awakened,  and 
crying  out,  "  Mohawks  !  Mohawks  !  " 

We  cannot  better  illustrate  Philip's  character,  than 
by  observing,  that  within  a  few  days  of  this  affair,  he 
was  collecting  the  remnants  of  the  Narraghansetts 
and  Nipmucks  among  the  Wachuset  hills,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river;  that  they  then  made  a  descent  upon 
Sudbury ;  "  met  with  and  swallowed  up  the  valiant  Cap- 
tain  Wadsworth  and  his  company;  and  many  other  dole- 
ful desolations  in  those  parts."  We  also  find,  that 
Philip  was  setting  parties  to  waylay  Church,  under 
his  own  worst  circumstances ;  and  that  he  came  very 
near  succeeding.  He  is  thought  to  have  been  at  the 
great  swamp  fight  in  December,  1675 ;  and  to  have  led 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  179 

one  thousand  Indians  against  Lancaster  on  the  en- 
suing 8th  of  February.  In  August  of  the  former 
season,  he  made  his  appearance  among  the  Nipmucks, 
in  a  swamp  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  Brookfield. 
"They  told  him  at  his  first  coming/'  said  one  of  them 
who  was  taken  captive,  "  what  they  had  done  to  the 
English  at  Brookfield  [burning  the  town.]  "  Then  he 
presented  and  gave  to  three  sagamores,  namely,  John  alias 
Apequinast,  Quanansit,  and  Mawtamps,  to  each  of 
them  about  a  peck  of  unstrung  wampum"  Even  so 
late  as  the  month  before  the  sachem's  death,  a  negro, 
who  had  fought  under  him,  informed  the  English  of 
his  design  of  attacking  certain  towns,  being  still  able 
to  muster  something  like  a  thousand  men.  In  his  last 
and  worst  days,  he  would  not  think  of  peace ;  and  he 
killed  with  his  own  hand,  upon  the  spot,  the  only 
Indian  who  ever  dared  to  propose  it.  It  was  the 
brother  of  this  man  by  whom  he  was  himself  soon 
after  slain. 

These  are  clear  proofs,  then,  that  Philip  possessed 
a  courage  as  noble  as  his  intellect.  Nor  is  there  any 
doubt  that  history  would  have  furnished  a  long  list 
of  his  personal  exploits,  but  that  his  situation  com- 
pelled him  to  disguise  as  well  as  conceal  himself. 
If  any  thing  but  his  face  had  been  known,  there  was 
nothing  to  prevent  Church  from  shooting  him,  as  we 
have  seen.  And  universally  influential  as  he  was, — 
the  master-spirit  every  where  guiding,  encouraging, 
soothing  and  rewarding, —  it  is  a  fact  worthy  of  men- 
tion, that  from  the  time  of  his  first  flight  from  Pocasset 
until  a  few  weeks  before  his  death,  no  Englishman 
could  say,  that  he  had  either  seen  his  countenance  or 
heard  his  voice.  Hence  Church  describes  him  as  being 


180  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

always  foremost  in  the  flight.  The  price  put  upon  his 
head,  the  fearful  power  which  pursued  him,  the  circum- 
stance that  some  of  his  own  acquaintance  were  against 
him,  and  especially  the  vital  importance  of  his  life  to 
his  cause,  all  made  it  indispensable  for  him  to  adopt 
every  stratagem  of  the  wary  and  cunning  warfare  of 
his  race. 

We  have  said  something  of  Philip's  ideas  of  his 
own  sovereign  dignity.  Hence  the  fate  of  Sassamon, 
and  of  the  savage  who  proposed  peace.  There  is  a 
well  settled  tradition,  that  in  1665  he  went  over  to  the 
island  of  Nantucket,  with  the  view  of  killing  an  In- 
dian called  John  Gibbs.  He  landed  on  the  west  e<nd, 
intending  to  travel  along  the  shore,  undiscovered, 
under  the  bank,  to  that  part  of  the  island  where 
Gibbs  resided.  By  some  lucky  accident,  the  latter  re- 
ceived a  hint  of  his  approach,  made  his  escape  to  the 
English  settlement,  and  induced  one  Mr.  Macy  to 
conceal  him.  His  crime  consisted  in  speaking  the 
name  of  some  deceased  relative  of  Philip  (his  brother, 
perhaps,)  contrary  to  Indian  etiquette  in  such  cases 
provided.  The  English  held  a  parley  with  the  sachem, 
and  all  the  money  they  were  able  to  collect  was  barely 
sufficient  to  satisfy  him  for  the  life  of  the  culprit.  It 
was  not  a  mere  personal  insult,  but  a  violation  of  the 
reverence  due  from  a  subject  to  his  king. 

It  appears  that  when  he  visited  Boston,  before  the 
war,  he  succeeded  in  persuading  the  government, 
—  as  no  doubt,  was  the  truth  of  the  case, —  that  not- 
withstanding the  old  league  of  his  father,  renewed 
by  himself,  or  rather  by  force  of  it,  he  was  still  inde- 
pendent of  Plymouth.  '  These  successive  engage- 
ments were  agreements  of  amity,  and  not  of  subjec- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  181 

tion  any  further,  as  he  apprehended."  He  then  desired 
to  see  a  copy  of  the  treaty,  and  rquested  that  one 
might  be  procured  for  him.  He  knew,  he  added,  that 
the  preying  Indians  had  submitted  to  the  English; 
but  the  Pokanokets  had  done  no  such  a  thing,  and  they 
were  not  subject.  The  letter  of  the  Massachusetts  to 
the  Plymouth  Government,  written  just  after  this 
interview  with  the  sachem,  is  well  worthy  of  notice. 
"  We  do  not  understand,"  say  the  former,  "  how  far 
he  hath  subjected  himself  to  you;  but  the  treatment 
you  have  given  him,  does  not  render  him  such  a  sub- 
ject, as  that,  if  there  be  not  present  answering  to 
summons,  there  should  presently  be  a  proceeding  to 
hostilities." 

Philip  had  himself  the  same  notion  of  a  Plymouth 
summons;  and  yet  either  policy  or  good  feeling  in- 
duced him  to  visit  the  Plymouth  Governor,  in  March, 
1675,  for  the  purpose  of  quieting  the  suspicions  of 
the  Colony ;  nothing  was  discovered  against  him,  and 
he  returned  home.  He  maintained  privately  the  same 
frank  but  proud  independence.  He  was  opposed  to 
Christianity  as  much  as  his  father  was,  and  would 
make  no  concessions  upon  that  point.  Possibly  the 
remembrance  of  Sassamon  might  have  rankled  in  his 
bosom,  when,  upon  the  venerable  Eliot  once  under- 
taking to  convert  him,  he  took  one  of  his  buttons 
between  his  fingers,  and  told  him  he  cared  no  more  for 
the  Gospel  than  for  that  button.  That  he  was  gener- 
ally more  civil,  however,  may  be  inferred  from  God- 
kin's  statement ;  "  I  have  heard  him  speak  very  good 
words,  arguing  that  his  conscience  is  convicted,  &c." 
The  sachem  evidently  made  himself  agreeable  in  this 
case. 


182  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

In  regard  to  his  personal  appearance,  always  a 
matter  of  curiosity  in  the  case  of  great  men,  sketches 
purporting  to  be  portraits  of  him  are  extant,  but  none 
of  them  are  believed  to  have  more  verisimilitude  than 
the  grotesque  caricature  prefixed  to  the  old  narrative 
of  Captain  Church  (the  model  of  the  series)  ;  and  we 
must  therefore  content  ourselves  to  remain  ignorant 
in  this  matter.  As  to  his  costume,  Josselyn,  who  saw 
him  at  Boston,  says  that  he  had  a  coat  on,  and  buskins 
set  thick  with  beads,  "  in  pleasant  wild  works,  and  a 
broad  belt  of  the  same;"  his  accoutrements  being 
valued  at  £20.  A  family  in  Swanzey,  (Mass.)  is 
understood  to  be  still  in  possession  of  some  of  the 
royalties  which  were  given  up  by  Anawon,  at  the 
time  of  his  capture  by  Church.  There  were  two  horns 
of  glazed  powder,  a  red-cloth  blanket,  and  three  richly 
and  beautifully  wrought  wampum  belts.  One  was 
nine  inches  wide,  and  so  long  as  to  extend  from  the 
shoulder  to  the  ancles.  To  the  second,  which  was 
worn  on  the  head,  were  attached  two  ornamented 
small  flags.  The  third  and  smallest  had  a  star  figured 
in  beads  upon  one  end,  which  came  over  the  bosom. 

Philip  was  far  from  being  a  mere  barbarian  in  his 
manners  and  feelings.  There  is  not  an  instance  to 
be  met  with,  of  his  having  maltreated  a  captive  in 
any  way,  even  while  the  English  were  selling  his  own 
people  as  slaves  abroad,  or  torturing  and  hanging 
them  at  home.  The  famous  Mrs.  Rowlandson  speaks 
of  meeting  with  him  during  her  doleful  captivity.  He 
invited  her  to  call  at  his  lodge ;  and  when  she  did  so, 
bade  her  sit  down,  and  asked  her  if  she  would  smoke. 
On  meeting  her  again,  he  requested  her  to  make  some 
garment  for  his  child,  and  for  this  he  paid  her  a  shilling. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  183 

He  afterwards  took  the  trouble  of  visiting  her  for  the 
purpose  of  assuring  her,  that  "  in  a  fortnight  she  should 
be  her  own  mistress."  Her  last  interview,  it  must  be 
allowed,  shows  his  shrewdness  to  rather  more  ad- 
vantage than  his  fair  dealing.  It  was  Indian  stratagem 
in  war-time,  however;  and  the  half-clad  sachem  was 
at  this  very  time  living  upon  ground-nuts,  acorns  and 
lily-roots.  "  Philip  smelling  their  business,  [her 
ransom,]  called  me  to  him,  and  asked  me  what  I  would 
give  him  to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to  speak  a 
good  word  for  me,  that  I  might  go  home  tomorrow. 
I  told  him  I  could  not  tell, —  but  any  thing  I  had, — 
and  asked  him  what  he  would  have.  He  said  two 
coats,  and  twenty  shillings  in  money,  half  a  bushel  of 
seed-corn,  and  some  tobacco.  /  thanked  him  for  his  love, 
but  I  kneiv  that  good  news  as  well  as  that  crafty  fox" 
It  is  probable  he  was  amusing  himself  with  this  good 
woman,  much  as  he  did  with  the  worthy  Mr.  Gookin ; 
but  at  all  events,  there  are  no  traces  of  malevolent 
feeling  in  these  striking  anecdotes. 

What  is  more  striking,  we  find  that  when  one 
James  Brown,  of  Swanzey,  brought  him  a  letter  from 
Plymouth,  just  before  hostilities  commenced,  and  the 
young  warriors  were  upon  the  point  of  killing  him, 
Philip  interferred  and  prevented  it,  saying,  that  "  his 
father  had  charged  him  to  show  kindness  to  Mr. 
Brown."  Accordingly,  it  is  recorded  in  Hubbard, 
that  a  little  before  his  death,  the  old  sachem  had 
visited  Mr.  Brown,  who  lived  not  far  from  Montaup, 
and  earnestly  desired  that  the  love  and  amity  he  had 
received,  might  be  continued  to  the  children.  It  was 
probably  this  circumstance,  «which  induced  Brown 


184  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

himself,  to  engage  in  such  a  hazardous  enterprise,  after 
an  interval,  probably,  of  some  twenty  years. 

Nor  should  we  pass  over  the  kindness  of  Philip 
to  the  Leonard  family,  who  resided  near  Fowling 
Pond,  in  what  is  now  Raynham.  Philip,  who  wintered 
at  Montaup, —  for  the  convenience  of  lishing  perhaps, 
—  was  accustomed  to  spend  the  summer  at  a  hunting- 
house,  by  this  pond.  There  he  became  intimate  with 
the  Leonards,  traded  with  them,  and  had  his  arms  re- 
paired by  them  frequently.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the 
war,  he  gave  strict  orders  that  these  men  should  never 
be  hurt,  as  they  never  were,  and  indeed,  the  whole 
town  of  Taunton, —  as  it  then  was, —  remained  almost 
entirely  unmolested  throughout  the  war,  and  amid 
all  the  ravages  and  massacres  which  daily  took  place 
upon  its  very  borders.  How  much  of  provocation 
and  humiliation  he  was  himself  enduring  meanwhile, 
we  have  already  seen.  All  his  relations  were  killed 
or  captured,  and  a  price  set  upon  his  own  life. 

It  is  a  matter  of  melancholy  interest  to  know,  that 
the  sachem,  wretched  and  hopeless  as  he  had  become 
in  his  last  days,  was  still  surrounded  by  a  band  of 
his  faithful  and  affectionate  followers.  At  the  very 
moment  of  his  fatal  surprise  by  the  English,  he  is 
said  to  have  been  telling  them  of  his  gloomy  dreams, 
and  advising  them  to  desert  him  and  provide  for  their 
own  safety.  A  few  minutes  after  this,  he  was  shot 
in  attempting  to  escape  from  the  swamp.  An  Eng- 
lishman,—  one  Cook, —  aimed  at  him,  but  his  gun 
missed  fire ;  the  Indian  who  was  stationed  to  watch 
at  the  same  place,  discharged  his  musket,  and  shot 
him  through  the  heart.  The  news  of  this  success 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  185 

was  of  course  received  with  great  satisfaction ;  Church 
says,  that  "  the  whole  army  gave  three  loud  huzzas." 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  honest  captain  suffered 
his  prejudices  to  carry  him  so  far,  that  he  denied  the 
rites  of  burial  to  his  great  enemy.  He  had  him  quar- 
tered, on  the  contrary,  and  his  head  carried  to  Ply- 
mouth, where,  as  Mather  is  careful  to  tell  us,  it  arrived 
on  the  very  day  when  the  church  there  were  keeping 
a  solemn  thanksgiving.  The  conqueror's  temper  was 
soured  by  the  illiberality  of  the  Government  toward 
himself.  For  this  march  he  received  but  four  and 
sixpence  a  man,  together  with  thirty  shillings  a  head 
for  the  killed.  He  observes  that  Philip's  head  went 
at  the  same  price,  and  he  thought  it  a  "  scanty  reward 
and  poor  encouragement."  The  sachem's  head  was 
carried  about  the  colony  in  triumph,  and  the  Indian 
who  killed  him  was  rewarded  with  one  of  his  hands. 
To'  finish  the  wretched  detail,  several  of  his  principal 
royalties  were  soon  after  given  up  by  one  of  his  chief 
captains ;  and  the  lock  of  the  gun  which  was  fatal  to 
him,  with  a  samp-dish  found  in  his  wigwam,  are  still 
to  be  seen  among  the  antiquities  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  Massachusetts.  Montaup,  which  became 
the  subject  of  a  dispute  between  the  Massachusetts  and 
Plymouth  Colonies,  was  finally  awarded  to  the  latter 
by  a  special  decision  of  King  Charles. 

Last  and  worst  of  all,  his  only  son,  a  boy  of  nine 
years  of  age,  whom  we  have  already  noticed  as  among 
the  English  captives,  was  sold  as  a  slave  and  shipped 
to  Bermuda.  It  should  be  stated,  however,  that  this 
unfortunate  measure  was  not  taken  without  some 
scruples.  The  Plymouth  Court  were  so  much  per- 


186  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

plexed  upon  this  occasion,  as  to  conclude  upon  apply- 
ing to  the  Clergymen  of  the  Colony  for  advice.  Mr. 
Cotton  was  of  opinion  that  "  the  children  of  notorious 
traitors,  rebels,  and  murderers,  especially  such  as  have 
been  principal  leaders  and  actors  in  such  horrid  vil- 
lanies,  might  be  involved  in  the  guilt  of  their  parents, 
and  might  salva  republica,  be  adjudged  to  death"  Dr. 
Increase  Mather  compared  the  child  to  Hadad,  whose 
father  was  killed  by  Joab ;  and  he  intimates,  that  if 
Hadad  himself  had  not  escaped,  David  would  have 
taken  measures  to  prevent  his  molesting  the  next  gener- 
ation. It  is  gratifying  to  know,  that  the  course  he 
recommended  was  postponed,  even  to  the  ignominious 
and  mortifying  one  we  have  mentioned. 

Such  was  the  impression  which  had  been  univer- 
sally forced  upon  the  Colonists  by  the  terrible  spirit 
of  Philip.  And  never  was  a  civilized  or  an  uncivil- 
ized enemy  more  generally  or  more  justly  feared. 
How  much  greater  his  success  might  have  been,  had 
circumstances  favored,  instead  of  opposing  him,  it  is 
fortunately  impossible  for  us  to  estimate.  It  is  con- 
fessed, however,  that  had  even  the  Narraghansetts 
joined  him  during  the  first  summer  of  the  war, —  as 
nothing  but  the  abrupt  commencement  of  it  prevented 
them  from  doing, —  the  whole  country  from  the  Pis- 
cataqua  to  the  Sound,  must  have  been  over-swept  and 
desolated.  But  as  it  was,  Philip  did  and  endured 
enough  to  immortalize  him  as  a  warrior,  a  statesman, 
and  we  may  add,  as  a  high-minded  and  noble  patriot. 
Whatever  might  be  the  prejudice  against  him  in  the 
days  of  terror  produced  by  his  prowess,  there  are  both 
the  magnanimity  and  the  calmness  in  these  times,  to 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 


187 


do  him  the  justice  he  deserves.  He  fought  and  fell, — 
miserably,  indeed,  but  gloriously, —  the  avenger  of  his 
own  household,  the  worshipper  of  his  own  gods,  the 
guardian  of  his  own  honor,  a  martyr  for  the  soil  which 
was  his  birth-place,  and  for  the  proud  liberty  which 
was  his  birth-right. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Narraghansett  tribe;  territory  and  power. — Chief  Sachems  at  the  date 
of  the  English  settlements  in  New  England. — Canonicus  associates 
with  himself  Miantonomo,  his  nephew. — Their  treatment  of  Roger 
Williams  in  1634. — Hostility  to  the  Plymouth  Colony.— Invited  by  the 
Pequots  to  fight  the  English. — Treaty  negotiated  in  Boston,  in  1636, 
by  Miantonomo. — War  with  the  Pequots  and  result  of  it. — Subsequent 
hostility  between  Miantonomo  and  Uncas. — Sequassen. — Battle  of  the 
Sachem's- Plain. — Capture  of  Miantonomo. — Sentence  of  the  English 
commissioners  upon  him. — Execution  of  it. 

NEXT  to  the  Pokanoket  confederacy,  none  has  a 
stronger  claim  on  the  early  notice  of  the  his- 
torian, than  the  Narraghansetts ;  a  nation, 
composed  of  various  small  tribes,  inhabiting  a  large 
part  of  the  territory  which  afterwards  formed  the  col- 
ony of  Rhode-Island.  Their  dominion  extended  also 
over  the  islands  in  the  bay  of  their  own  name ;  and  the 
Sagamores  of  a  part  of  Long-Island,  Block-Island, 
Cawesit,  and  Niantick  were  either  their  tributaries  or 
subject  to  them  in  some  other  way.  They  had  once 
been  able  to  raise  more  than  four  thousand  warriors ; 
and  so  late  as  Philip's  time,  we  have  seen  they  could 
muster  two  thousand,  one  half  of  whom  were  provided 
with  English  arms,  and  were  skillful  in  the  use  of 
them.  From  time  immemorial,  they  had  waged  war 
with  both  the  Pokanokets  on  the  North  and  the  Pe- 
quots on  the  West. 
(188) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  189 

It  might  be  expected,  that  the  rulers  of  such  a 
confederacy,  thus  situated,  should  be  men  of  talent 
and  energy ;  and  this  expectation  will  not  be  disap- 
pointed. Throughout  the  history  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Indians,  as  we  find  no  people  more  resolute  in 
declaring  what  they  believed  to  be  their  rights,  or 
more  formidable  in  defending  them,  so  we  find  no 
sachems  more  ready  and  able  than  theirs,  on  all  occa- 
sions, to  sustain  the  high  spirit  of  their  subjects. 

There  is  an  unnecessary  confusion  in  the  informa- 
tion conveyed  by  some  of  our  best  annalists,  respect- 
ing the  particular  personage  who  governed  the  Nar- 
raghansetts  at  the  date  of  the  first  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  English.  Governor  Hutchinson,  for 
example,  speaks  in  one  case  of  Canonicus,  as  being 
their  chief  sachem.  In  another,  alluding  to  the  death 
of  Miantonomo,  while  the  former  was  yet  living,  he 
observes,  that  although  they  had  lost  their  chief  sachem, 
yet  they  had  divers  other  stout  ones,  as  Canonicus, 
Pessacus  and  others. 

The  ambiguity  has  arisen  from  the  circumstance, 
that  although  Canonicus  exercised  the  chief  authority 
of  the  country  when  the  English  first  arrived,  he 
soon  after  became  associated  in  the  Government  with 
Miantonomo,  his  nephew.  What  were  the  particular 
conditions  of  the  royal  co-partnership,  or  what  was 
the  occasion  of  it,  cannot  now  be  determined.  Some 
writers  suppose,  that  the  sole  authority  belonged  to 
the  younger  of  the  two,  and  that  the  elder  acted  in 
the  capacity  of  regent;  but  considering  that  the  asso- 
ciation continued  during  the  whole  term  of  the  joint 
lives  of  the  two,  it  appears  more  probable  that  Canoni- 
cus, finding  himself  far  advanced  in  years,  as  well 


190  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

as  encumbered  with  the  charge  of  an  extensive 
dominion,  at  the  period  of  the  first  English  settle- 
ments, thought  proper  to  make  such  an  alteration  in 
his  regal  state  as  seemed  to  be  required  by  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  times.  He  therefore  selected  as  an 
associate,  the  most  popular  and  active  prince  of  his 
own  family. 

Mr.  Hutchinson  himself  appears  finally  to  adopt 
the  conclusion  we  have  just  stated.  In  a  part  of  his 
history  subsequent  to  the  passage  above  cited,  he 
refers  to  information  derived  from  authentic  manu- 
scripts, which  furnished  the  opinion  of  the  Narra- 
ghansetts  themselves  upon  the  subject.  The  oldest 
of  that  people  reported,  when  the  English  first  ar- 
rived, that  they  had  in  former  times  a  sachem  called 
Tashtassack,  incomparably  superior  to  any  other  in 
the  whole  country  in  dominion  and  state.  This  chief- 
tain, said  they,  had  only  two  children,  a  son  and  a 
daughter ;  and  not  being  able  to  match  them  according 
to  their  dignity,  he  joined  them  together  in  wedlock. 
They  had  four  sons ;  and  of  these,  Canonicus,  "  who 
was  sachem  when  the  English  came"  was  the  eldest. 

Mr.  Hutchinson  observes,  that  this  is  the  only 
piece  of  Indian  history,  or  tradition  of  any  sort,  from 
the  ancestors  of  our  first  Indians,  he  had  ever  met 
with.  The  brothers  of  Canonicus  here  referred  to, 
are  occasionally  spoken  of  by  the  old  writers,  but  not 
as  having  signalized  themselves  by  any  thing  worthy 
of  notice. 

The  fact  that  Canonicus  and  his  nephew  adminis- 
tered the  government  in  harmony,  as  well  as  in  union, 
is  shown  most  clearly  by  the  letters  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams. It  is  well  known  that,  in  1634,  when  that 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  191 

reverend  gentleman  was  compelled  to  leave  the  Massa- 
chusetts colony,  (on  account  of  his  religious  opinions,) 
he  fled  to  Seekonk.  But  that  place  lying  within  the 
limits  of  the  Plymouth  jurisdiction,  and  the  people  of 
that  colony  being  unwilling  to  embroil  themselves 
with  Massachusetts,  Governor  Winslow  informed  him 
of  the  difficulty  which  was  apprehended,  and  advised 
him  to  occupy  a  spot  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
without  the  boundaries  of  either  jurisdiction.  Upon 
this,  Mr.  Williams,  utterly  forlorn,  crossed  the  river, 
and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  Canonicus. 

The  savage  chieftain  —  to  his  eternal  praise,  be  it 
recorded  —  received  him  with  a  hospitality  worthy  of 
an  emperor.  At  first,  indeed,  he  was  suspicious  of  his 
visiter's  motives ;  and  he  was  none  the  more  pre- 
possessed in  his  favor,  from  his  subjects  having  re- 
cently suffered  excessively  from  a  formidable  epidemic, 
which  he  supposed  to  have  been  introduced  by  the 
English.  "  At  my  first  coming  among  them,"  Mr. 
Williams  writes,  "  Caunounicus  (morosus  aeque  ac 
barbarus  senex)  was  very  sour,  and  accused  the  Eng- 
lish and  myself  of  sending  the  plague  among  them, 
and  threatening  to  kill  him  especially."  Soon  after- 
wards, however,  he  not  only  permitted  the  refugee, 
and  the  poor  wanderers  who  had  followed  him  from 
Salem,  to  have  a  resting  place  in  his  domain,  but  he 
gave  them  all  "  the  neck  of  land  lying  between  the 
mouths  of  Pawtucket  and  Moshasuck  rivers,  that  they 
might  sit  down  in  peace  upon  it,  and  enjoy  it  forever." 
Mr.  Williams  divided  this  land  equally  among  his 
followers,  and  founded  the  town  of  Providence.  The 
settlement  of  Rhode  Island  commenced  at  Patuxet 
a  short  time  afterwards,  Canonicus  conveying  to  Wil- 


192  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Hams  nearly  the  whole  of  what  is  now  Providence 
county,  at  one  time. 

The  kindness  of  the  Narraghansett  rulers  is  the 
more  creditable  to  their  feelings,  inasmuch  as  the 
former  relations  between  them  and  the  English  col- 
onies had  been  far  enough  from  friendly.  Early  in 
1622,  their  threats  of  hostility  were  so  open,  that  the 
English  were  receiving  constant  intelligence  of  their 
designs  from  the  Indians  in  their  own  alliance ;  and 
not  long  afterwards,  Canonicus  sent  a  herald  to  Ply- 
mouth, who  left  a  bundle  of  arrows  enclosed  in  a 
rattle-snake's  skin  —  the  customary  challenge  to  war. 
The  Governor  despatched  a  messenger  in  return, 
bearing  the  same  skin  stuffed  with  gunpowder  and 
bullets ;  assuring  the  chieftain  also,  that  if  he  had 
shipping,  instead  of  troubling  him  to  come  so  far  as 
Plymouth  to  gratify  his  wish  for  fighting,  he  would 
have  sought  him  in  his  own  country ; —  and  further- 
more, that  whenever  he  did  come,  he  should  find 
the  English  ready  for  him.  This  resolute  message 
had  the  desired  effect,  and  the  sachem's  superstition 
confirmed  it.  Fearful  of  some  mysterious  injury,  he 
refused  to  touch  the  skin,  and  would  not  suffer  it 
even  to  remain  in  his  house.  It  passed  through  sev- 
eral hands,  and  at  length  was  returned  to  the  colony, 
unopened. 

In  1632,  the  sachem  made  an  attack  on  Massasoit, 
who  fled  for  refuge  to  an  English  house  at  Sowams ; 
and  sent  despatches  for  the  assistance  of  his  English 
allies.  As  Captain  Standish  took  a  special  interest  in 
this  case,  there  must  soon  have  been  a  warm  contest 
between  the  parties,  had  not  the  Narraghansetts  hastily 
retreated,  on  account  of  a  rumor  that  the  Pequots 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  193 

were  invading  their  own  territory.  Four  years  after- 
wards, when  the  last  named  nation  formed  the  design 
of  completely  extirpating  the  English  from  New  Eng- 
land, they  applied  to  their  old  enemies,  Cononicus  and 
Miantonomo,  to  conclude  a  peace,  and  to  engage  them 
with  as  many  other  tribes  as  possible  in  a  common 
cause  against  the  colonists. 

The  sachems  are  said  to  have  wavered  on  that 
occasion,  between  the  gratification  of  present  revenge 
upon  the  Pequots,  and  the  prospect  of  an  ultimate 
triumph  over  the  English  power  by  uniting  with  them. 
Their  friendship  for  Roger  Williams,  and  the  influence 
he  was  consequently  enabled  to  exercise,  probably 
turned  the  scale.  Miantonomo  informed  him  of  the 
Pequot  application ;  Mr.  Williams  forwarded  the  news 
immediately  to  Governor  Winthrop  at  Boston ;  and 
Canonicus,  by  the  same  messenger,  sent  word  of  recent 
depredations  which  he  had  just  understood  to  have 
been  committed  by  the  Pequots  at  Saybrook.  The 
Governor,  probably  following  the  .suggestion  of  Mr. 
Williams,  sent  for  Miantonomo  to  do  him  the  honor  of 
a  visit. 

He  came  to  Boston  accordingly  in  September,  1636, 
attended  by  two  of  the  sons  of  Canonicus,  another  sa- 
chem, and  about  twenty  sanops  (or  male  adults.)  As 
he  had  given  notice  of  his  approach  the  day  previous, 
the  governor  sent  a  corps  of  musketeers  to  meet  him  at 
Roxbury;  and  they  escorted  him  into  town  about  noon. 
By  this  time,  Mr.  Winthrop  had  called  together  most 
of  the  magistrates  and  ministers  of  Boston,  but  it  be- 
ing now  dinner  time,  ceremony  and  business  were  both 
postponed.  The  sachems  dined  by  themselves  in  the 
same  room  with  the  governor,  while  the  sanops  were 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 13 


194  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

amply  provided  for  at  an  inn.  In  the  afternoon,  Mian- 
tonomo  made  his  proposals  of  peace ;  and  said  that,  in 
case  of  their  acceptance,  he  should  in  two  months  send 
a  present  to  confirm  them.  The  governor,  according 
to  their  own  custom,  asked  time  to  consider  this  pro- 
posal. At  the  second  conference,  which  took  place  the 
next  morning,  the  following  terms  were  agreed  upon, 
and  subscribed  by  the  governor  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  marks  of  the  sachems  on  the  other. 

1.  A  firm  peace  between  the  Massachusetts  col- 
ony, and  the  other   English   plantations,    (with   their 
consent,)  and  their  confederates  (with  their  consent.) 

2.  Neither  party  to  make  peace  with  the  Pequots. 
without  consultation  with  the  other. 

3.  Not  to  harbor  the  Pequots. 

4.  To  put  to  death  or  deliver  over  murderers,  and 
to  return  fugitive  servants. 

5.  The  English  to  notify  them,  when  they  marched 
against  the  Pequots,  and  they  to  send  guides. 

6.  Free  trade  between  the  two  nations. 

7.  None  of  them  to  visit  the  English  settlements 
during  the  war  with  the  Pequots,  without  some  Eng- 
lishman or  known  Indian  in  company. 

The  treaty  was  to  continue  to  the  posterity  of  both 
nations.  On  its  conclusion,  the  parties  dined  together 
as  before.  They  then  took  formal  leave  of  each  other, 
and  the  sachems  were  escorted  out  of  town,  and  dis- 
missed with  a  volley  of  musketry.  The  present  prom- 
ised by  Miantonomo  appears  to  have  been  sent  in 
early  in  1637,  when  a  deputation  of  twenty-six  Narra- 
ghansetts  came  to  Boston,  with  forty  fathom  of  wam- 
pum and  a  Pequot's  hand.  The  governor  gave  each 
of  the  four  sachems  in  the  company,  "  a  coat  of  four- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  195 

teen  shillings  price,  and  deferred  to  return  his  present 
till  after,  according  to  their  manner."  It  is  well  known, 
how  fully  the  Narraghansetts  discharged  their  engage- 
ments in  the  expedition  which  took  place  about  this 
time  against  the  Pequots.  They  also  furnished, 
through  Mr.  Williams,  not  a  little  useful  information 
respecting  the  common  enemy,  by  which  the  expedi- 
tion was  guided  at  the  outset ;  and  offered  the  use  of 
the  harbors  of  the  Narraghansett  coast,  for  the  English 
vessels. 

The  joint  invasion  of  the  allies  took  place  in  May. 
The  English  forces,  taking  the  Narraghansett  country 
on  their  way,  acquainted  Canonicus  and  Miantonomo 
with  their  arrival  and  plan  of  campaign.  The  latter 
met  them,  the  next  day,  with  about  two  hundred  of  his 
chief  counsellors  and  warriors.  Mason  made  a  formal 
request  for  permission  to  pass  through  his  territories, 
on  his  way  to  the  Pequot  forts.  Miantonomo,  after  a 
solemn  consultation,  replied,  that  he  highly  approved 
of  the  expedition,  and  would  send  men,  especially  as 
the  English  force  appeared  to  him  quite  too  insignifi- 
cant to  meet  the  Pequots,  who  were  great  warriors. 
About  five  hundred  warriors  accordingly  marched 
against  the  enemy,  under  the  command  of  Mason ;  and 
some  of  them  did  active  service.  The  chief  sachems 
took  no  part,  personally,  in  the  campaign. 

In  September  1638,  the  Pequots  being  completely 
conquered,  Uncas,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Mohegans, 
(who  had  assisted  in  the  war,)  and  Miantonomo,  were 
invited  to  meet  the  Connecticut  magistrates  at  Hart- 
ford, to  agree  upon  a  division  of  captives.  These  were 
two  hundred  in  number,  besides  women  and  children. 
Eighty  of  them  were  allotted  to  the  Narraghansett 


196  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

sachems ;  twenty  to  a  neighboring  chief,  Ninigret ;  and 
the  other  one  hundred  to  Uncas.  The  Pequots  were  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute  of  wampum  at  Hartford.  It 
was  also  covenanted,  that  there  should  be  a  perpetual 
peace  between  Miantonomo  and  Uncas;  that  all  past 
injuries  should  be  buried;  that  if  any  should  be  com- 
mitted in  future,  complaints  should  be  submitted  ami- 
cably to  the  arbitration  of  the  English,  both  parties 
being  bound  to  abide  by  their  decision  on  pain  of  in- 
curring their  hostility.  No  open  enemies  of  the  Eng- 
lish were  to  be  harbored,  and  all  individual  criminals 
were  to  be  given  over  to  justice. 

The  terms  of  this  treaty  did  not  long  remain  invio- 
late. Whatever  were  the  motives  of  Miantonomo, 
and  whatever  his  justification,  he  soon  became  bitterly 
hostile  to  the  Mohegans  at  least.  It  might  have  been 
reason  enough  with  him  for  opposing  both  them  and 
the  English,  that  either  was  his  enemy;  because  he 
knew  them  to  be  bound  together  by  alliance  of  offence 
and  defence.  But  it  seems  probable,  that  he  intended 
only  to  fight  the  Mohegans.  His  old  grudge  against 
the  Pequots  revived  against  them,  as  a  branch  of  the 
Pequot  stock.  Uncas,  too,  was  his  greatest  personal 
rival :  and  Miantonomo  was  ambitious  to  stand  at  the 
head  of  all  the  New  England  Indians.  If,  however,  as 
has  been  asserted  by  some,  his  main  design  was  to  re- 
sist the  growing  power  of  the  English,  from  merely 
patriotic  motives,  it  was  clear,  that  an  essential  step 
towards  the  attainment  of  this  object,  and  especially 
towards  a  hostile  union  of  all  the  tribes,  must  be  the 
death  of  Uncas,  and  the  suppression  of  his  tribe.  Other 
causes  of  hostility  will  be  considered  hereafter. 

But  be  the  reasoning  of  the  sachem  what  it  might, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  197 

his  measures  were  of  a  character  not  to  be  mistaken. 
Great  efforts  were  made  for  a  general  co-operation 
of  the  tribes,  especially  in  Connecticut.  They  were 
observed  to  be  collecting  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
to  be  making  a  general  preparation  for  war.  The  colo- 
nists thought  themselves  obliged  to  keep  guard  and 
watch  every  night,  from  sunset  to  sunrise,  and  to  pro- 
tect their  inhabitants  from  town  to  town,  and  even 
from  one  place  to  another  in  the  same  neighborhood. 

Meanwhile  Miantonomo  is  said  to  have  hired  a 
Pequot,  subject  to  Uncas,  to  kill  him.  The  assassin 
made  an  attempt,  in  the  spring  of  1643.  He  shot  Uncas 
through  the  arm,  and  then  fled  to  the  Narraghansetts, 
reporting  through  the  Indian  towns  that  he  had  killed 
him.  When  it  was  understood,  however,  that  the 
wound  was  not  fatal,  the  Pequot  circulated  a  rumor 
that  Uncas  had  purposely  cut  his  own  arm  with  a  flint, 
and  then  charged  the  Pequot  with  shooting  him.  But, 
Miantonomo  soon  after  going  to  Boston  in  company 
with  the  refugee,  the  governor  and  magistrates,  on  ex- 
amination, found  clear  evidence  that  the  latter  was 
guilty  of  the  crime  with  which  he  was  charged.  They 
proposed  sending  him  to  Uncas  to  be  punished;  but 
Miantonomo  pleaded  that  he  might  be  suffered  to  re- 
turn with  himself;  and  gave  them  to  understand,  it  is 
said,  that  he  would  send  him  to  Uncas.  He  took  occa- 
sion to  exculpate  himself  of  all  blame  in  the  affair,  and 
convinced  them  so  completely,  that  his  requests  were 
granted.  Two  days  afterwards,  he  killed  the  Pequot 
with  his  own  hand. 

About  the  same  time,  an  event  took  place  in  an- 
other direction,  under  circumstances  which  strongly 
indicated  the  same  authorship.  Sequassen,  a  sachem 


198  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

on  the  Connecticut  river,  killed  a  principal  Indian  of 
the  Mohegan  tribe ;  and  waylaid  Uncas  himself,  as  he 
was  going  down  the  river,  and  shot  several  arrows  at 
him.  Uncas  complained  to  the  governor  and  court  of 
the  colony,  who  took  great  pains  to  settle  the  affair, 
but  without  success.  He  was  finally  induced  to  accept 
of  one  of  Sequassen's  Indians,  to  be  given  up  as  an 
equivalent  for  the  murdered  man ;  but  Sequassen  would 
not  consent  to  submission  or  concession  of  any  kind. 
He  insisted  upon  fighting.  Uncas  accepted  his  chal- 
lenge, and  invaded  his  territory;  and  Sequassen  was 
defeated,  with  the  loss  of  many  of  his  wigwams  burned, 
and  his  men  killed. 

As  the  conquered  sachem  was  nearly  allied  to  Mian- 
tonomo,  and  upon  intimate  terms  with  him,  it  was 
generally  believed  that  he  acted  from  his  instigation, 
and  with  the  promise  of  his  assistance  in  case  of  neces- 
sity. He  even  expressed,  openly,  his  reliance  on  the 
aid  of  Miantonomo. 

The  Narraghansett  chief  was  not  a  man  to  desert 
his  ally  or  to  retreat  from  his  foe.  Having  hastily 
matured  a  plan  of  campaign,  it  was  the  next  object  to 
strike  the  intended  blow  with  the  most  possible  effect, 
and  that  implied  the  least  possible  notice.  He  raised 
an  army  of  between  five  hundred  and  one  thousand 
men,  and  marched  towards  the  Mohegan  territory.  The 
spies  of  Uncas  discovered  their  approach,  and  gave 
him  intelligence.  The  enemy  was  already  near,  and 
Uncas  was  unprepared ;  but  he  hastily  rallied  four  or 
five  hundred  of  his  men,  and  telling  them  that  the 
enemy  must  by  no  means  be  suffered  to  surprise  them 
in  their  villages,  marched  out  to  meet  him  forthwith. 
At  the  distance  of  three  or  four  miles,  the  two  armies 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  199 

encountered  each  other  upon  a  large  plain.  Mean- 
while, Uncas,  who  found  himself  obliged  to  rely  more 
upon  strategem  than  strength,  had  acquainted  his  war- 
riors on  the  march  with  a  plan  which  he  now  proceeded 
to  put  in  execution. 

He  desired  a  parley,  and  the  two  armies  halted  in 
the  face  of  each  other.  Then  advancing  in  the  front 
of  his  men,  he  addressed  Miantonomo :  "  You  have 
a  number  of  stout  men  with  you,  and  so  have  I  with 
me.  It  is  a  great  pity  that  such  brave  warriors  should 
be  killed  in  a  private  quarrel  between  us  only.  Come 
on,  then,  like  a  man,  as  you  profess  to  be,  and  let  us 
fight  it  out.  If  you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours. — 
If  I  kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mine."  Miantonomo 
saw  his  advantage  too  clearly  to  accept  such  a  pro- 
posal. "My  warriors,"  said  he,  "have  come  a  long  way 
to  fight,  and  they  shall  fight."  The  reply  was  antici- 
pated, and  it  was  scarcely  uttered,  when  Uncas  fell  to 
the  ground.  His  men  discharged  over  him  a  shower  of 
arrows  upon  the  Narraghansetts ;  and  then  following 
up  the  surprise  without  a  moment's  interval,  rushed 
upon  them  furiously  with  a  hideous  yell,  and  soon  put 
them  to  flight. 

The  pursuit  was  sustained  with  a  ferocious  eager- 
ness. The  enemy  were  chased  down  rocks  and  preci- 
pices, like  the  doe  flying  from  the  huntsman.  About 
thirty  were  slain,  and  a  much  greater  number  wounded. 
Miantonomo  was  exceedingly  pressed.  Some  of  the 
bravest  men  of  Uncas  at  length  came  up  with  him ;  but 
not  daring  actually  to  skirmish  with  him,  or  preferring 
to  leave  that  honor  to  their  leader,  they  contrived  to 
impede  his  flight  by  twitching  him  back,  and  then 
passed  him.  Uncas  now  came  up,  and  rushing  for- 


200  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ward  like  a  lion  greedy  of  his  prey,  he  seized  him  by 
the  shoulder.  The  Narraghansett  saw  that  his  fate  was 
decided — Uncas  was  a  man  of  immense  strength,  and 
his  warriors  were  thick  around  him.  He  stopped,  sat 
dowrn  sullenly,  and  spake  not  a  word.  Uncas  gave  the 
Indian  whoop,  and  called  up  a  party  of  his  men,  who 
gathered  about  the  royal  captive  and  gazed  at  him. 
He  still  continued  moody  and  speechless.  Some  of 
his  sachems  were  slain  before  his  eyes,  but  he  moved 
not  a  muscle.  "  Why  do  you  not  speak,"  inquired 
Uncas,  at  length ;  "  had  you  taken  me  I  should  have 
besought  you  for  my  life."  But  the  Narraghansett 
was  too  proud  to  ask  such  a  boon  of  his  enemy,  and 
especially  of  his  rival.  Uncas  however  spared  his  life 
for  the  present,  and  returned  in  great  triumph  to  Mo- 
hegan,  leading  along  with  him  the  splendid  living  evi- 
dence of  his  victory. 

The  notorious  Samuel  Gorton  having  purchased 
lands  of  Miantonomo,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Ply- 
mouth and  Massachusetts,  and  expecting  to  be  vindi- 
cated by  him  in  his  claims  against  those  colonies,  and 
against  other  Indian  tribes,  he  immediately  sent  word 
to  Uncas  to  give  up  his  prisoner,  and  threatened  him 
with  the  vengeance  of  the  colonies  if  he  refused  a  com- 
pliance. But  Uncas  shrewdly  bethought  himself  of  a 
safer  course.  He  carried  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  and 
asked  advice  of  the  governor  and  magistrates.  There 
being  no  open  war  between  the  Narraghansetts  and 
English,  these  authorities  were  unwilling  to  interfere 
in  the  case,  and  they  recommended  a  reference  of  the 
whole  affair  to  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies, at  their  next  meeting  in  September.  Meanwhile; 
Miantonomo  had  recovered  his  speech.  He  probably 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  201 

expected  better  treatment  with  the  English  than  with 
Uncas,  and  he  now  earnestly  pleaded  to  be  committed 
to  their  custody.  Uncas  consented  to  leave  him  at 
Hartford,  but  insisted  on  having  him  kept  as  his  pris- 
oner. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners  the  whole 
affair  was  laid  before  them.  In  their  opinion  it  was 
fully  proved  that  Miantonomo  had  made  attempts 
against  the  life  of  Uncas,  by  all  the  means  and  meas- 
ures heretofore  alluded  to,  and  by  poison  and  sorcery 
besides ;  that  he  had  murdered  the  Pequot  assassin 
with  his  own  hand,  instead  of  giving  him  up  to  jus- 
tice ;  that  he  was  the  author  of  a  general  plot  among 
the  Indian  tribes  against  the  colonies ;  and  that  he  had 
moreover  gone  so  far  as  to  engage  the  aid  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, who  were  now  within  a  day's  journey  of  the 
English  settlements,  waiting  only  for  Miantonomo's 
release  to  serve  him  according  to  his  pleasure. 

"  These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  considered/' 
say  the  commissioners  in  their  report,  "  we  apparently 
see  that  Vncas  cannot  be  safe  while  Myantenomo 
lives,  but  that  either  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force 
his  life  will  still  be  in  danger.  Wherefore  we  thinke 
he  may  justly  putt  such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  ene- 
mie  to  death,  but  in  his  owne  Jurisdiccon,  not  in  the 
English  plantacons ;  and  advising  that  in  the  manner 
of  his  death  all  mercy  and  moderacon  be  shewed,  con- 
trary to  the  practice  of  the  Indians  who  exercise  tor- 
tures and  cruelty,  and  Vncas  haveing  hitherto  shewed 
himself  a  friend  to  the  English,  and  in  this  craveing 
their  advice,  if  the  Nanohiggansetts  Indians  or  others 
shall  unjustly  assault  Vncas  for  this  execucon,  vpon 
notice  and  request  the  English  promise  to  assist  and 


202  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

protect  him,  as  farr  as  they  may,  against  such  vyo- 
lence." 

The  commissioners  further  directed,  that  Uncas 
should  immediately  be  sent  for  to  Hartford,  with  some 
of  his  trustiest  men ;  and  informed  of  the  sentence 
passed  upon  his  captive.  He  was  then  to  take  him 
into  the  nearest  part  of  his  own  territory,  and  there 
put  him  to  death  in  the  presence  of  certain  discreet 
English  persons,  who  were  to  accompany  them,  "  and 
see  the  execucon  for  our  more  full  satisfaccon,  and 
that  the  English  meddle  not  with  the  head  or  body  at 
all."  The  Hartford  Government  was  subsequently  to 
furnish  Uncas  wTith  forces  enough  to  defend  him 
against  all  his  enemies. 

These  directions  were  promptly  obeyed.  Uncas 
made  his  appearance  at  Hartford,  received  his  prisoner, 
and  marched  off  with  him  to  the  very  spot  where  the 
capture  had  happened.  At  the  instant  they  arrived 
on  the  ground,  a  Mohegan  who  marched  behind  Mian- 
tonomo  split  his  head  with  a  hatchet,  killing  him  in  a 
single  stroke ;  so  that  he  was  probably  unacquainted 
with  the  mode  of  his  execution.  Tradition  says  that 
Uncas  cut  out  a  piece  of  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  sav- 
age triumph.  "  He  said  it  was  the  sweetest  meat  he 
ever  eat — it  made  his  heart  strong."  The  royal  victim 
was  buried,  by  the  conqueror's  order,  at  the  place  of 
his  death ;  and  a  great  heap  or  pillar  was  erected  over 
his  grave.  The  field  of  battle,  situated  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  is  called  the  Sachem's 
Plain  to  this  day. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Consideration  of  the  justice  of  the  Commissioners'  sentence  upon  Mianto- 
nomo. — Their  reasons,  as  alleged. — The  charge  against  him  of  ambi- 
tious designs. — Of  employing  the  Mohawks. — Of  breaking  the  league 
of  1638. — *  Concerning  the  Pequot  squaws  '. — Of  hostility  to  the  Eng- 
lish.— Of  Peculation. — Proofs  of  his  fidelity  and  friendship. — Causes  of 
complaint  by  him  and  Canonicus  against  the  English. — Character  of 
both  Sachems. — Their  treatment  of  Roger  Williams. — Letters  of  that 
gentleman. — Anecdotes. — Death  of  Canonicus. 

IT  is  not  easy  to  determine,  at  this  period,  the  jus- 
tice of  the  sentence  by  which  Miantonomo  was 
led  to  slaughter.  As  between  himself  and  his 
enemy,  considering  Indian  custom  and  character,  it 
might  be  considered  just;  and  the  sufferer  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  the  last  to  complain  of  it.  But  though 
Uncas  may  not  be  blamed  for  using  the  privilege  of 
the  victor,  a  different  opinion  has  been  entertained  of 
the  interference  of  the  English.  Their  justification, 
as  laid  before  the  Narraghansett  nation,  after  Mianto- 
nomo's  death,  was  as  follows : 

"  They  may  well  vnderstand  that  this  is  without 
violacon  of  any  couenant  betweene  them  and  vs ;  for 
Vncas  being  in  confederracon  with  vs,  and  one  that 
hath  diligently  observed  his  couenants  before  men- 
tioned for  aught  we  know,  and  requiring  advice  from 
vs,  vpon  serious  consideracon  of  the  premises,  viz.  his 

(203) 


204  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

[Miantonomo]  treacherous  and  murtherous  disposi- 
tion against  Vncas  &c.  and  how  great  a  disturber  he 
hath  beene  of  the  common  peace  of  the  whole  coun- 
trey,  we  could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of  the  case, 
safety  of  the  countrey  and  faythfulness  of  our  frend, 
do  otherwise  than  approve  of  the  lawfulness  of  his 
death.  This  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indians  owne 
manners,  and  concurring  with  the  practice  of  other 
nations  with  whom  we  are  acquainted,  we  persuade 
ourselves  howeuer  his  death  may  be  grieuous  at  pres- 
ent, yet  the  peaceable  fruits  of  it  will  yield  not  only 
matter  of  safety  to  the  Indians,  but  profite  to  all  that 
inhabite  this  continent." 

Supposing  every  thing  to  be  true  which  is  here  and 
elsewhere  alleged,  it  may  still  be  doubted  whether  the 
colonies  could  be  justified  in  the  part  taken  by  their 
commissioners ; — but  such  is  not  the  case. 

His  killing  the  Pequot  was  one  point  against  him ; 
but  what  could  be  more  natural  than  for  them  to  mis- 
understand his  promise  in  that  case,  or  for  him  to  sup- 
pose that  administering  justice  with  his  own  hand 
would  be  the  most  satisfactory  course  he  could  take. 
Stress  is  laid  upon  Miantonomo's  "  ambitious  designes 
to  make  himself  vniversal  Sagamore  or  Governor  of 
all  these  parts;"  but  this,  whether  laudable  or  repre- 
hensible in  itself,  was  clearly  no  usurpation  as  against 
them.  As  to  this  hostility  towards  the  English,  suf- 
fice it  to  say  here,  that  the  evidence  of  it  seems  to  have 
been  furnished  chiefly  by  his  enemies,  whose  direct 
interest  it  was  to  oppress  him  by  engaging  the  English 
interest  in  their  own  favor.  As  to  the  employment 
of  the  Mohawks,  in  particular,  the  most  that  was  made 
to  appear,  even  through  this  medium,  was,  that  they 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  205 

were  awaiting  Miantonomo's  release, — "  and  then  they 
will  carry  on  their  designes,  whether  against  the  Eng- 
lish or  Vncas  or  both,  is  doubtful." 

Let  us  observe  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Williams  in 
regard  to  this  affair,  borrowing  from  a  letter  written 
immediately  after  it  took  place.  "  A  fortnight  since, 
I  heard  of  the  Mauquawogs  coming  to  Paucomtuckqut, 
their  rendezvous ;  that  they  were  provoked  by  Onkas 
wronging  and  robbing  some  Paucomtuck  Indians  the 
last  year,  and  that  he  [Uncas]  had  dared  the  Mauqua- 
wogs, theatening  if  they  came  to  set  his  ground  with 
gobbets  of  their  flesh  &c." 

He  admits,  that  a  few  of  the  Narraghansetts  had 
joined  the  Mohawks:  but  these,  whether  they  were 
well  or  ill  disposed  towards  the  English,  were  at  all 
events  considered  traitors  to  Miantonomo.  Elsewhere 
he  states,  "  yt  ye  Narigansetts  and  Maquawogs  are  the 
great  bodies  of  Indians  in  ye  country,  and  they  are 
confederates,  and  long  have  bene  as  they  both  yet  are 
friendly  and  peaceable  to  ye  English" 

Miantonomo  is  said  to  have  violated  the  league  of 
1638,  by  invading  the  country  of  Uncas,  without 
having  previously  submitted  his  grievances  to  the 
decision  of  the  English.  But  he  did  not  think  him- 
self absolved  from  the  obligation  created  by  that 
league,  in  consequence  of  violation  of  it  on  the  part 
of  the  English.  He  probably  regarded  them  at  this 
very  time,  precisely  as  they  regarded  him.  Roger 
Williams  writes  on  one  occasion,  when  letters  of 
complaint  had  been  sent  to  him  from  Massachusetts, 
that  "they  [Miantonomo  and  Canonicus]  thought  they 
should  prove  themselves  honest  and  faithful,  when  Mr. 
Governor  understood  their  answers;  and  that  (al- 


206  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

though  they  could  not  contend  with  their  friends)  yet 
they  could  relate  many  particulars,  wherein  the  Eng- 
lish had  broken  (since  these  wars)  their  promises." 

Respecting  the  alleged  violation  of  the  Hartford 
league  in  particular,  we  might  perhaps  properly  waive 
all  attemps  at  justification,  inasmuch  as  the  charge 
hardly  purports  to  be  true.  Governor  Winthrop  gives 
an  account  of  the  affair  as  received  officially  from 
Connecticut,  by  which  it  appears  that  Miantonomo, 
before  taking  part  with  Sequassen,  applied  to  the 
authorities  of  that  province  for  redress  of  grievances 
committed  upon  him  by  Uncas.  He  was  answered, 
that  the  English  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  business.  He 
then  applied  also  to  Governor  Winthrop  himself,  and 
was  very  desirous  to  know  if  he  would  not  be  offended, 
by  his  making  war  upon  Uncas.  "  Our  Governor  an- 
swered, if  Onkus  had  done  him  or  his  friends  wrong,  and 
would  not  give  satisfaction,  ive  should  leave  him  to  take 
his  own  course." 

The  account  which  follows  next  of  the  explanation 
given  upon  one  point  by  the  accused  parties,  is  suf- 
ficiently characteristic  of  their  intelligence,  at  least, 
to  be  quoted  at  length.  "  First  then,  concerning  the 
Pequot  squaws.  Canaunicus  answered  that  he  never 
saw  any,  but  heard  of  some  that  came  into  these 
parts,  and  he  bade  carry  them  back  to  Mr.  Governour; 
but  since  he  never  heard  of  them  till  I  came,  and  now 
he  would  have  the  country  searched  for  them.  Mian- 
tunnomu  answered,  that  he  never  heard  of  but  six; 
and  four  he  saw  wrhich  were  brought  to  him,  at 
which  he  was  angry,  and  asked  why  they  did  not  carry 
them  to  me,  that  I  might  convey  them  home  again. 
Then  he  bid  the  natives  that  brought  them  to  carry 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  207 

them  to  me,  who  departing  brought  him  word  that 
the  squaws  were  lame,  and  they  could  not  travel, 
whereupon  he  sent  me  word,  that  I  should  send  for 
them.  This  I  must  acknowledge,  that  this  message 
I  received  from  him,  and  sent  him  word,  that  we  were 
but  few  here,  and  could  not  fetch  them  nor  convey 
them,  and  therefore  desired  him  to  send  men  with 
them,  and  to  seek  out  the  rest.  Then,  saith  he,  we 
were  busy  ten  or  twelve  days  together,  as  indeed 
they  were  in  a  strange  kind  of  solemnity,  wherein  the 
sachems  eat  nothing  but  at  night,  and  all  the  natives 
around  about  the  country  were  feasted.  In  which  time, 
saith  he,  I  wished  some  to  look  to  them,  which  not- 
withstanding, in  this  time,  the  scaped,  and  now  he 
would  employ  men  instantly  to  search  all  places  for 
them,  and  within  two  or  three  days  to  convey  them 
home.  Besides  he  profest  he  desired  them  not,  and 
was  sorry  the  governour  should  think  he  did.  I  ob- 
jected that  he  sent  to  beg  one.  He  answered,  that 
Sassamun,  being  sent  by  the  governour  with  letters 
to  Pequot,  fell  lame,  and  lying  at  his  house,  told  him  of 
a  squaw,  which  was  a  sachem's  daughter,  who  while 
he  lived  was  his,  Miantunnomue's,  great  friend.  He 
[Miantonomo]  therefore  desired  in  kindness  to  his  dead 
friend,  to  beg  her  or  redeem  her  [of  Mr.  Williams.] 

In  reply  to  a  charge  touching  his  fidelity  to  the 
English  alliance,  Canonicus  declared  that  the  Nar- 
raghansetts  "  had  stuck  to  the  English  in  life  or  death, 
without  which  they  were  persuaded  that  Okace 
[Uncas]  and  the  Mohiganeuks  had  proved  false,  as  he 
fears  they  will  yet."  He  then  went  on  to  specify  his 
reasons  for  this  persuasion  and  this  fear.  He  also 
stated,  that  although  the  Mohegans  had  yet  brought 


208  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

in  no  captives,  his  own  brother,  Yootash,  had  on  one 
occasion  "  seized  upon  Puttaquppuunk,  Quame  and 
twenty  Pequts  and  three-score  squaws ;  they  killed 
three  and  bound  the  rest,  watching  them  all  night,  and 
sending  for  the  English  delivered  them  into  their  hands  in 
the  morning."  It  seems  that  soon  afterwards  Mianto- 
nomo  passed  the  house  where  the  Pequots  were  kept 
confined  by  the  English,  and  having  a  curiosity  to  see 
one  of  the  captive  sachems  —  a  man  of  considerable 
note  —  he  made  application  for  that  purpose  —  but 
was  thrust  at  with  a  pike  several  times  by  the  English 
sentinels,  and  finally  driven  off.  Mr.  Williams  sug- 
gested, that  probably  he  was  not  recognized;  but  he 
thought  that  he  was,  and  several  of  the  Narraghansetts 
were  of  the  same  opinion,  and  asked  if  they  should 
have  dealt  so  with  "  Mr.  Governor."  Mr.  Williams  still 
denied,  that  he  could  have  been  known ;  to  which  Mian- 
tonomo  answered  that,  at  least,  his  whole  company 
were  disheartened,  "  and  they  all  and  Cutshamquene 
desired  to  be  gone :  and  yet,  saith  he,  two  of  my  men 
(Waqouckwhut  and  Maunamoh)  were  the  guides  to 
Sesquanket  from  the  river's  mouth." 

To  a  third  accusation,  that  he  had  received  prison- 
ers and  wampum  of  the  enemy,  which  belonged  to 
the  common  stock,  and  were  nevertheless  monopo- 
lized by  himself,  Canonicus  replied,  that  although 
he  and  Miantonomo  had  paid  their  own  warriors  many 
hundred  fathom  of  wampum,  he  never  had  received 
one  Pequot  or  one  yard  of  beads.  Miantonomo  added, 
that  he  had  received  nothing  but  one  small  present 
from  four  women  of  Long-Island,  who  were  no  Pe- 
quots, but  of  that  island,  and  who,  for  safety's  sake, 
had  thereby  put  themselves  under  his  protection. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  209 

Other  facts,  if  not  opinions,  appear  in  some  of  the 
early  annals,  which  would  lead  to  similar  conclusions 
respecting  the  fidelity  of  the  Narraghansett  chiefs. 
Governor  Winthrop  says,  in  his  journal  of  February 
1637 — "Miantunnomoh  &c.  sent  twenty  six,  with  forty 
fathom  of  wampum,  and  a  Pequot's  hand."  In  March, 
he  records  intelligence  received  from  the  same  source, 
concerning  the  Pequot  movements,  with  proposals 
of  fresh  assistance.  On  the  22d  of  the  month,  "Mian- 
tunnomoh sent  us  word  that  Mason  had  surprised  and 
slain  eight  Pequods "  &c.  Again,  during  the  same 
summer,  "  Miantunnomoh  sent  here  some  Pequod  squaws, 
which  had  run  from  us;"  and  five  days  afterwards, 
"  the  Narraghansetts  sent  us  the  hands  of  three  Peqouds  " 
&c.  The  two  last  statements  agree  with  the  declara- 
tion of  the  sachems  to  Mr.  Williams,  apparently  upon 
the  same  points. 

We  have  seen  that  Canonicus  accused  the  English 
of  having  broken  their  promises.  Omitting  the  proof 
of  that  statement,  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  at  least, 
that  it  was  made  in  the  most  earnest  sincerity.  The 
writer  just  cited  informs  us  incidentally  in  his  KEY 
TO  THE  INDIAN  LANGUAGES,  that  Canonicus,  in  a  solemn 
address  to  himself,  before  a  large  assembly,  had  once 
used  the  following  expression  — "I  have  never  suf- 
fered any  wrong,  to  be  offered  to  the  English  since 
they  landed,  nor  never  will.  If  the  Englishmen  speak 
true,"  he  added,  "  then  I  shall  go  to  my  grave  in  peace, 
and  hope  that  the  English  and  my  posterity  will  live 
in  peace  and  love  together."  Mr.  Williams  observed, 
that  he  hoped  he  had  no  occasion  to  question  the 
friendliness  of  the  English.  Upon  this  the  sachem 
took  a  stick,  broke  it  in  ten  pieces,  and  related  ten 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 14 


210  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

instances,  laying  down  a  stick  to  every  instance,  which 
gave  him  cause  for  apprehension  or  suspicion.  With 
regard  to  some  of  them,  he  was  afterwaids  convinced 
of  his  being  mistaken,  and  readily  acknowledged  him- 
self to  be  so ;  but  not  as  to  all. 

The  truth  probably  is,  that  provocations  of  some 
sort  had  been  received  upon  both  sides ;  but  that  the 
English  had  any  peculiar  reason  to  complain,  and  es- 
pecially to  assume' the  violent  administration  of  punish- 
ment or  prevention,  certainly  cannot  be  admitted. 
There  is  no  evidence  extant  to  support  such  a  position. 
Mr.  Williams  indeed  acknowledges,  with  his  usual 
frankness,  that  individual  Narraghansetts  had  perhaps 
now  and  then  committed  offences  in  "  matters  of 
money  or  pettie  revenging  of  themselves  in  some  In- 
dians upon  extream  provocation :"  but  he  also  states,  in 
the  same  paragraph,  that  he  "  could  not  yet  learn  y* 
ever  it  pleased  ye  Lord  to  permit  ye  Narighansetts  to 
staine  their  hands  with  any  English  blood,  neither  in 
open  hostilities  nor  secret  murthers,  as  both  Pequts 
and  Long  Islanders  did,  and  Monhiggans  also  in  ye 
Pequt  wars." 

This  statement  we  suppose  to  be  uncontradicted, 
and  the  authority  is  certainly  deserving  of  credit. 
Now,  for  a  moment,  let  us  examine  the  other  side  of 
the  question,  bearing  in  mind  how  little  likely  we  are, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  be  furnished  by  history 
with  the  truth,  and  least  of  all  with  the  whole  truth. 

Some  instances  in  point  have  already  been  given. 
The  excessive  jealousy  and  the  frequent  complaints 
of  the  English  were  in  themselves  calculated  to  pro- 
duce, if  not  to  justify,  what  they  referred  to.  "  The 
governor  of  the  Massachusetts  " —  says  Mr.  Winthrop 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  211 

in  his  journal  of  1638  — "  wrote  also  to  Mr.  Williams 
to  treat  with  Miantunnomoh  about  satisfaction  or  other- 
wise to  bid  them  look  for  war."  This  was  a  harsh  message, 
at  the  best,  to  send  to  a  sovereign  ally,  who  had 
faithfully  served  the  English  cause.  The  only  reason 
for  it  which  appears  in  the  context  is,  that  Janemoh, 
a  Xiantick  chief,  was  understood  to  have  committed 
certain  depredations  on  the  settlement  of  Long  Island 
Indians  who  were  tributary  to  the  English.  Now 
some  of  that  tribe,  we  have  seen,  put  themselves  under 
Miantonomo's  protection :  and  there  are  no  means  of 
determining  whether  that  chieftain  did  not  in  this 
case,  like  the  English,  feel  himself  aggrieved  by  Jane- 
moh. We  do  find  it  recorded,  however,  that,  in 
the  summer  of  1637,  Miantonomo  came  to  Boston. 
The  governor,  deputy,  and  treasurer,  treated  with  him, 
and  they  parted  upon  fair  terms.  He  acknowledged 
on  this  occasion,  that  all  the  Peqoitt  and  Block  Island 
country  belonged  to  the  English,  and  promised  that 
he  would  not  meddle  with  them  but  by  their  leave. 
'4  In  fine,  we  gave  him  leave  to  right  himself  for  the 
wrongs  which  Janemoh  and  Wequash  Cook  had  done  him : 
and  for  the  wrong  they  had  done  us,  we  would  right 
ourselves  in  due  time." 

Not  far  from  the  time  when  the  above  mentioned 
complaint  seems  to  have  been  made  through  Mr. 
Williams,  the  latter  writes  to  Governor  Winthrop  as 
follows.  "  Sir,  there  hath  been  a  great  hubbub  in 
all  these  parts,  as  a  general  persuasion  that  the  time 
was  come  for  a  general  slaughter  of  natives,  by  rea- 
son of  a  murther  committed  upon  a  native  [Narra- 
ghansett]  within  twelve  miles  of  us,  four  days  since, 
by  four  desperate  English :  An  old  native  comes 


212  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

to  me,  and  tells  me,  that  the  natives  round  about  us 
were  fled  relating  that  those  four  had  slain  an  Indian 
who  had  carried  three  beaver-skins  and  beads  for 
Canaunicus's  son,  and  came  home  with  five  fathom 
and  three  coats;  that  three  natives  which  came  after 
him  found  him  groaning  in  the  path;  that  he  told 
them,  &c."  The  particulars  of  this  flagrant  outrage 
—  even  to  the  Christian  and  surnames  of  the  four 
murderers  —  are  given  with  a  minuteness  which  pre- 
cludes the  possibility  of  mistake.  And  yet  we  find 
no  mention  of  this  transaction  in  the  English  his- 
tories. Miantonomo  perhaps  made  his  complaint  to 
the  proper  authority,  without  success.  But  more  prob- 
ably he  endured  the  injury  in  silence,  as  a  new  evi- 
dence that  his  allies  were  become  his  enemies. 

Still  it  should  not  be  omitted,  that  Miantonomo 
never  declined  to  make  all  the  explanation  for  which 
a  fair  opportunity  was  given  him.  As  late  as  1642, 
two  messengers  were  sent  to  him  by  the  Massachu- 
setts government,  with  articles  of  complaint;  requir- 
ing him  to  come  himself  or  send  two  of  his  chief 
counsellors  to  the  governor,  in  order  to  give  satisfac- 
tion for  certain  grievances  alleged.  He  attended  this 
summons  promptly  and  personally.  On  his  arrival 
at  Boston,  he  came  forward  in  court,  and  demanded 
that  his  accusers  should  be  brought  before  him  face 
to  face ;  and  that  if  they  failed  in  their  proof,  they 
should  suffer  the  same  punishment  which  their  ac- 
cusations were  calculated  to  bring  upon  himself. 
The  whole  deportment  on  this  occasion  was  grave 
and  dignified.  His  answers  were  given  with  great 
deliberation,  and  never  except  in  the  presence  of  the 
counsellors  who  attended  him,  that  they  might  be 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  213 

witnesses  of  every  thing  which  passed.  Two  days  were 
spent  in  treaty.  He  denied  all  he  was  charged  with, 
and  affirmed  —  what  we  have  already  suggested  — 
that  the  reports  to  his  disadvantage  were  raised  and 
circulated,  either  by  Uncas,  or  some  of  his  people. 
Such  an  effect,  (it  should  be  here  observed) had  these 
reports  already  produced,  that  the  Connecticut  people 
were  importunate  for  open  war  with  the  Narraghan- 
setts  at  this  very  time;  and  it  required  the  whole  in- 
fluence of  the  Massachusetts  authorities,  (who  doubted, 
"  whether,  they  had  sufficient  proofs  of  the  designs 
of  the  Indians  to  justify  a  war,")  to  prevent  imme- 
diate hostilities.  Such  alarm  existed,  that  places  of 
refuge  for  the  women  and  children  were  provided  in 
most  of  the  towns  and  plantations.  Beacons  were 
set  up,  in  readiness  to  be  fired ;  and  smiths  were 
ordered  to  postpone  other  business  until  the  arms  in 
the  colony  were  put  in  complete  repair.  A  great  excite- 
ment was  produced  in  the  towns  about  Boston,  by  a 
poor  man,  in  a  swamp  at  Watertown,  crying  out  for 
help  against  a  kennel  of  wolves  which  he  heard  howl- 
ing around  him  in  the  night.  And  although  Massachu- 
setts was  opposed  to  war,  "  Yet  the  governor,  with  the 
magistrates,  before  the  court  met,  thought  it  necessary 
to  disarm  the  Indians  within  the  colony,  which  they 
readily  submitted  to." 

Miantonomo,  as  was  very  natural,  not  only  noticed 
these  symptoms  of  jealousy  on  his  visit  to  Boston, 
but  felt  keenly  the  ill-will  they  implied,  and  inquired 
the  cause  of  them.  Governor  Winthrop  gave  him  an 
evasive  answer,  with  which,  however,  he  politely  pro- 
fessed to  be  satisfied.  He  then  entered  into  quite  an 


214  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

argument,  to  show  that  the  suspicions  which  had  been 
entertained  of  him  were  unjust,  and  were  owing  to 
machinations  of  his  enemies.  He  offered  to  meet 
Uncas  either  at  Hartford  or  at  Boston,  and  to  prove 
his  treachery  to  the  English,  in  their  presence.  He 
should  stand  ready  to  come  at  any  time,  he  added; 
and  this  notwithstanding  he  had  been  advised  not  to 
visit  the  English  again,  lest  they  should  seize  upon  his 
person.  He  relied  upon  his  innocence,  and  he  would 
visit  them,  whenever  it  was  deemed  necessary  that 
he  should. 

It  is  acknowledged  in  fine  that  he  gave  perfect 
satisfaction  at  this  time.  Considering  the  entertain- 
ment which  was  given  him,  and  his  great  pride  of 
character,  that  was  quite  as  much  as  could  be  expected 
"  When  we  should  go  to  dinner" — it  is  recorded  in 
the  Governor's  Journal  — "  there  was  a  table  provided 
for  the  Indians,  to  dine  by  themselves,  and  Miantunno- 
moh  zvas  left  to  sit  with  them.  This  he  was  discontented 
at,  and  would  eat  nothing  till  the  governor  sent  him 
meat  from  his  table.  So  at  night,  and  all  the  time  he 
staid,  he  sat  at  the  lower  end  of  the  magistrate's  table" 
But  he  overlooked  the  indignity,  and  parted  upon  good 
terms.  "  We  gave  him  and  his  counsellors  coats  and 
tobacco ;  and  when  he  came  to  take  his  leave  of 
the  governor,  and  such  of  the  magistrates  as  were 
present,  he  returned  and  gave  his  hand  to  the  governor 
again,  saying,  that  was  for  the  rest  of  the  magistrates 
who  were  absent."  It  may  be  observed,  that  the  exam- 
ination in  this  case,  which  resulted  thus  satisfactorily 
to  Massachusetts,  was  a  deliberate  and  thorough  one. 
The  court  was  already  assembled,  when  he  arrived  at 
Boston ;  and  even  before  his  admission,  all  the  points 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  215 

and  order  of  inquiry  were  agreed  upon :  "  For  we 
knew  him,"  says  the  governor,  "  to  be  a  very  subtle 
man."  The  same  authority  admits,  that  he  showed,  in 
his  answers,  "  a  good  understanding  of  the  principles 
of  equity  and  justice,  and  in  ingenuity  withal." 

The  attack  of  Miantonomo  upon  Uncas,  independ- 
ently of  the  interest  which  the  English  had  in  it,  has 
been  regarded  as  a  moral  if  not  legal  outrage — -an  un- 
provoked, unprincipled  aggression — the  off-spring  of 
hatred,  envy,  or  at  best  of  mere  ambition.  But  even 
here  we  do  not  happen  to  be  without  proof,  as  well  as 
probability,  in  favor  of  the  accused.  In  more  than  one 
case,  if  not  generally,  the  fault  was  on  the  side  of 
Uncas ;  and  that  being  true,  it  must  naturally  occur  to 
every  reader,  to  inquire,  in  the  language  applied  to  a 
similar  case  by  Mr.  Williams, — "  Graunt  these  sub- 
jects, What  capacitie  hath  their  late  massacre  of  ye  Nar- 
ragansetts  (with  whom  they  had  made  peace)  without  ye 
English  consent,  tho'  still  under  ye  English  name,  put 
them  into?"  A  very  forcible  query,  it  must  be  admitted; 
and  to  show  its  relevancy  to  the  present  subject,  let  us 
look  again  for  a  few  facts. 

Soon  after  the  Pequot  war,  when  the  chieftains  who 
had  assisted  the  English  in  carrying  it  on,  convened 
at  Hartford  for  a  division  of  the  spoil,  Mr.  Williams 
accompanied  Miantonomo  on  his  journey.  "  By  the 
way,"  says  he  ("  lodging  from  his  house  three  nights 
in  the  woods,)  we  met  divers  Nanhiggontick  [Narra- 
ghansett]  men  complaining  of  robbery  and  violence, 
which  they  had  sustained  from  the  Pequots  and  Mona- 
higgins  in  their  travel  from  Cunnihticut  [Connecticut]  ; 
as  also  some  of  the  Wunnashowatuckoogs  [subject  to 
Canaunicus]  came  to  us  and  advertised,  that  two  days 


216  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

before  about  six  hundred  and  sixty  Pequots,  Monahig- 
gins  and  their  confederates  had  robbed  them  and 
spoiled  about  twenty-three  fields  of  corn;  and  rifled 
four  Nanhiggontick  men  amongst  them;  as  also  that 
they  lay  in  way  and  wait  to  stop  Miantunnomue's 
passage  to  Cunnihticut,  and  divers  of  them  threatened 
to  boil  him  in  the  kettle." 

These  tidings  being  confirmed  by  various  authori- 
ties, Mr.  Williams  and  the  other  English  in  the  com- 
pany, were  strongly  in  favor  of  turning  back,  and  go- 
ing to  Hartford  by  water.  But  Miantonomo  declared 
that  not  a  man  should  retreat ;  he  would  keep  strict 
watch  by  night,  and  in  dangerous  passes  the  sachems 
should  all  march  with  a  body-guard,  but  they  should 
die,  as  he  himself  would,  rather  than  turn  back.  They 
moved  on,  therefore,  the  English  with  Miantonomo  and 
his  wife  in  front,  and  a  flank-guard  of  forty  or  fifty  men 
on  either  side  to  prevent  surprisal.  They  arrived  safely 
at  Hartford,  and  the  conference  took  place.  Uncas  was 
accused  of  conniving  at  the  trespasses  of  his  men  upon 
the  Narraghansetts,  and  he  retorted  with  charges  of  the 
same  kind  upon  Miantonomo.  The  result  of  this  angry 
discussion  was,  as  follows.  "  At  last  we  drew  them  to 
shake  hands,  Miantunnomu  and  Okace ;  and  Miantun- 
nomu  invited  (twice,  earnestly)  Okace  to  sup  and  dine 
with  him,  he  and  all  his  company  (his  men  having 
killed  some  venison :)  but  he  would  not  yield,  altho' 
the  magistrates  persuaded  him  also  to  it." 

The  magnanimity  manifested  by  the  chieftain  on 
this  occasion,  was  uniformly  a  prominent  part  of  his 
character.  When  he  visited  Boston  in  1640 — as  he  al- 
ways did,  at  the  request  of  the  Massachusetts  govern- 
ment— he  was  entertained  first  by  the  government  at 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  217 

Roxbury;  but  when  the  parley  was  to  commence,  he 
refused  to  treat  through  the  medium  of  a  Pequot  inter- 
preter. The  governor  being  unwilling  to  yield  this 
point  to  him — as  good  policy,  if  not  manners  appar- 
ently required  that  he  should — he  departed  abruptly 
for  Boston,  without  so  much  as  taking  leave  of  his  host. 
The  latter  informed  the  court  of  this  conduct,  "  and 
would  show  him  no  countenance,  nor  admit  him  to  dine 
at  our  table  as  formerly,  until  he  had  acknowledged 
his  failing,  which  he  readily  did  as  soon  as  he  could  be  made 
to  understand  it"  He  observed,  however,  with  some 
dignity,  that  when  the  English  should  visit  him,  he 
should  cheerfully  permit  them  to  use  their  own  fash- 
ions, as  they  always  had  done. 

Previous  to  the  expedition  against  the  Pequots,  both 
Miantonomo  and  Canonicus  had  expressed  a  wish  that 
whatever  was  done  with  the  warriors  of  the  enemy, 
their  women  and  children  should  be  spared.  There 
was  a  chivalry  in  this  request — and  it  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  soon  forgotten — which  accords  with  all  that 
is  known  of  both  these  chieftains.  Canonicus  might 
have  suppressed  the  Plymouth  colony  in  1682,  at  a 
single  blow ;  but  he  thought  it  more  honorable  to  give 
them  formal  notice  of  his  hostile  intentions,  by  a  mes- 
senger; and  when  he  became  convinced  that  they  had 
been  misrepresented  to  him,  he  at  least  ceased  to  be 
their  enemy  if  he  did  not  become  their  friend.  In  the 
same  spirit,  Miantonomo,  while  in  the  custody  of  the 
governor  of  Connecticut,  cautioned  him  to  increase  his 
guard.  He  openly  declared — what  was  the  fact — that 
attempts  were  and  would  be  made  by  his  Narraghan- 
sett  subjects  for  his  rescue. 


218  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

There  is  a  most  effecting  evidence  of  the  same  noble 
disposition,  in  the  report  of  the  commissioners  for  1644. 
The  Narraghansetts,  now  constantly  complaining  of 
the  conduct  of  Uncas  and  his  tribe,  brought  a  charge, 
among  other  things,  that  the  latter  had  embezzled  a 
quantity  of  wampum  which  had  been  put  into  their 
hands  for  the  ransom  of  Miantonomo,  while  the  chief 
was  yet  living.  How  much  truth  there  might  be  in 
the  allegation,  cannot  well  be  ascertained.  The  com- 
missioners however  report,  that  they  gave  a  fair  hear- 
ing to  the  '  Narrahiggansett '  deputies  on  the  one  hand, 
and  to  Uncas  on  the  other.  The  result  is  thus  stated : 

"That  though  severall  discourses  had  passed  from 
Vncus  and  his  men  that  for  such  quantities  of  wam- 
pom  and  such  parcells  of  other  goods  to  a  great  value 
there  might  have  been  some  probabilitie  of  spareing 
his  life,  yet  no  such  parcells  were  brought.  But  Vncus 
clenyeth;  and  the  Narrohiggansett  Deputies  did  not 
allready,  much  less  proue  that  any  ransome  was  agreed, 
nor  so  much  as  any  treaty  begunn  to  redeeme  their 
imprisoned  Sachem.  And  for  that  wampoms  and  goods 
sent  as  they  were  but  small  parcels  and  scarce  consid- 
erable for  such  a  purpose,  a  part  of  them  disposed  by 
Myantinomo  himself  to  Vncus  his  counsellors  and  cap- 
taines  for  some  favour  either  past  or  hoped  for  and  part 
were  given  and  sent  to  Vncus  and  to  his  Squa  for  present- 
ing his  life  so  long  and  vssing  him  curteously  during  his 
Imprisonment"  What  could  be  nobler  than  this? 

The  warm  and  constant  friendship  of  the  two  sa- 
chems for  Williams  himself,  is  a  sufficient  indication 
of  noble  natures.  Canonicus  was  suspicious  of  him  at 
first ;  "  but  with  Miantunnomu,"  writes  Mr.  Williams 
soon  after  his  removal,  "  I  have  far  better  dealing.  He 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

kept  his  barbarous  court  lately  at  my  house.  He  takes 
some  pleasure  to  visit  me,  and  sent  me  word  of  his 
coming  over  again  some  eight  days  hence."  When  the 
treaty  of  1636  was  negotiated  at  Boston,  Miantonomo 
not  being  able  to  understand  perfectly  all  the  articles, 
or  perhaps  not  placing  entire  confidence  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts government,  desired  that  a  copy  should  be 
sent  to  his  friend  Williams — if  he  was  satisfied,  it  was 
intimated,  no  objection  or  difficulty  would  arise  upon 
his  own  part.  The  conveyances  of  land  heretofore 
spoken  of,  were  made  to  him  in  the  same  feeling.  "  It 
was  not  price  or  money,"  says  the  grantee,  "  that  could 
have  purchased  Rhode  Island:  but  't  was  obtained  by 
love,  that  love  and  favor  which  that  honored  gentle- 
man, Sir  Henry  Vane,  and  myself,  had  with  the  great 
sachem,  Miantunnomu,  about  the  league  which  I  pro- 
cured in  the  Pequod  war.  The  Indians  were  very  shy 
of  selling  lands  to  any,  and  chose  rather  to  make  a 
grant  [gift]  of  them,  to  such  as  they  affected." 

It  might  be  supposed,  that  Mr.  Williams  had  pecu- 
liar facilities  for  instructing  the  sachems  in  the  doc- 
trines of  Christianity:  but  he  did  not  attempt  a  great 
deal  in  this  way,  and  his  reasons  for  it  are  given  in 
his  Key  to  the  Languages.  He  observes,  that  he  once 
heard  Miantonomo  conversing  with  several  of  his  chief 
warriors  about  keeping  the  English  Sabbath.  At  an- 
other time,  a  Connecticut  Indian  undertook,  in  Mian- 
tonomo's  presence,  to  dispute  Mr.  William's  doctrine, 
that  the  souls  of  the  good  should  go  to  heaven,  and 
those  of  the  wicked  to  hell.  Our  Fathers  have  told  us, 
said  he,  that  all  go  to  the  South-West,  and  this  I  be- 
lieve. "  And  why  so,"  asked  the  sachem,  "  did  you 
ever  see  a  soul  go  to  the  South-West?"  To  this  the 


220  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

other  rejoined,  that  the  evidence  was  the  same  in  this 
respect  for  the  Indian  doctrine  as  for  that  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liams. "  Ah !  "  answered  Miantonomo,  "  but  he  has 
books  and  writings,  and  one  which  God  himself  has 
made ;  he  may  well  know  more  than  we  or  our  fath- 
ers." The  anecdote  certainly  shows  a  great  confidence 
of  the  sachem  in  his  English  acquaintance. 

We  shall  close  our  remarks  upon  this  part  of  our 
subject  with  citing  at  large  one  of  the  letters  to  which 
we  already  have  been  so  much  indebted  for  facts.  It  is 
sufficiently  characteristic  of  both  the  writer  and  the 
chieftains  his  friends,  to  repay  us  for  the  labor  of  peru- 
sal. It  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  in  October 
1637. 

"  The  last  of  the  week.    I  think  the  28th  of  the  Sth. 

Sir. 

This  bearer,  Miantunnomu,  resolving  to  go  on  his 
visit,  [to  Boston]  I  am  bold  to  request  a  word  of  ad- 
vice from  you  concerning  a  proposition  made  by  Ca- 
naunicus  and  himself  to  me  some  half  year  since.  Ca- 
naunicus  gave  an  island  in  the  bay  to  Mr.  Oldam,  by 
name  Chibachuwese,  on  condition,  as  it  should  seem, 
that  he  would  dwell  there  near  unto  them.  The  Lord  (in 
whose  hands  all  hearts  are)  turning  their  affections 
towards  myself,  they  desired  me  to  move  hither  and  dwell 
nearer  to  them.  I  have  answered  once  and  again,  that 
for  the  present  I  mind  not  to  remove.  But  if  I  have 
it  from  them  I  would  give  them  satisfaction  for  it,  and 
build  a  little  house,  and  put  in  some  swine,  as  under- 
standing the  place  to  have  store  of  fish  and  good  feed- 
ing for  swine.  Of  late  I  have  heard  that  Mr.  Gibbons, 
upon  occasion,  motioned  your  desire  and  his  own  of 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  221 

putting  some  swine  on  some  of  these  islands,  which 
hath  made  me  since  more  desire  to  obtain  it.  I  spake 
of  it  to  this  sachem,  and  he  tells  me  that  because  of 
the  store  of  fish,  Canaunicus  desires  that  I  would  accept 
half  (it  being  spectacle-wise,  and  between  a  mile  or 
two  in  circuit,  as  I  guess)  and  he  would  reserve  the 
other;  but  I  think,  if  I  go  over,  I  shall  obtain  the  whole. 
Your  loving  counsel,  how  far  it  may  be  inoffensive, 
because  it  was  once  (upon  a  condition  not  kept)  Mr. 
Oldams.  So  with  respective  salutes  to  your  kind  self 
and  Mrs.  Winthrop,  I  rest 

your  worship's  unfeigned,  in  all  I  may. 

Ro.  WILLIAMS." 

For  his  much  honored   "| 

Mr.  Govcrnour,  these.'9  J 

A  singular  paragraph  in  a  previous  communication 
addressed  to  the  same  gentleman,  indicates  that  the 
writer  took  some  pains  to  requite  the  various  favors 
conferred  upon  him.  "  Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to 
the  princes,  [alluding  to  proposed  presents,]  I  find 
that  Canonicus  would  gladly  accept  of  a  box  of  eight 
or  ten  pounds  of  sugar,  and  indeed  he  told  me  he  would 
thank  Mr.  Governor  for  a  box  full/' 

In  fine  we  cannot  dismiss  the  biography  of  Mian- 
tonomo  without  confessing  a  sensation  of  sorrow,  and 
even  shame,  arising  from  the  contemplation  of  the 
lofty  and  noble  traits  which  certainly  adorned  his  char- 
acter, contrasted  with  the  ignominious  death  which 
he  met  with  at  the  hands  of  his  allies.  The  learned 
editor  of  a  recent  edition  of  Winthrop's  Journal,  calls 
it  a  case  of  "  perfidy  or  cruelty,  or  both.  He  also  ex- 
presses an  opinion,  that  the  argument  which  really 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

though  secretly  decided  the  minds  of  the  commission- 
ers against  the  sachem,  was  his  encouragement  of  the 
sale  of  Shaomet  and  Patuxet  to  Gorton  and  his  asso- 
ciates. Without  going  as  far  as  this,  we  may  be  per- 
mitted to  say,  that  the  case  requires  all  the  apology 
which  can  be  derived  from  the  great  excitement  of  the 
times,  occasioned  especially  by  the  power  and  move- 
ments of  the  Indians. 

Such  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  Governor 
Hopkins,  who,  it  will  be  observed,  also  intimates  a  new 
explanation  of  the  conduct  of  the  colonies,  towards  the 
Narraghansett  chief.  His  eloquent  and  generous  trib- 
ute to  the  memory  of  the  latter,  we  do  not  think  our- 
selves at  liberty  to  omit  or  abridge. 

"  This,"  says  that  eminent  scholar,  and  patriot, 
"  was  the  end  of  Myantinomo,  the  most  potent  Indian 
prince  the  people  of  New-England  had  ever  any  con- 
cern with;  and  this  was  the  reward  he  received  for 
assisting  them  seven  years  before,  in  their  war  with 
the  Pequots.  Surely  a  Rhode-Island  man  may  be  per- 
mitted to  mourn  his  unhappy  fate,  and  drop  a  tear  on 
the  ashes  of  Myantinomo ;  who,  with  his  uncle  Conani- 
cus,  were  the  best  friends  and  greatest  benefactors  the 
colony  [of  R.  I.]  ever  had.  They  kindly  received,  fed, 
and  protected  the  first  settlers  of  it,  when  they  were 
in  distress,  and  were  strangers  and  exiles,  and  all  man- 
kind else  were  their  enemies;  and  by  this  kindness  to 
them,  drew  upon  themselves  the  resentment  of  the 
neighboring  colonies,  and  hastened  the  untimely  end 
of  the  young  king." 

Nothing  of  great  interest  can  be  added  to  the  his- 
tory of  Canonicus,  subsequent  to  the  death  of  his  col- 
league. Messengers  were  sent  to  him,  the  same  year, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  223 

to  explain  the  circumstances  of  that  event,  and  to  take 
measures  for  preserving  peace.  In  1644,  he  is  said  to 
have  subjected  himself  and  his  territory  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Charles  I.  of  England,  by  a  deed  dated 
April  19th.  He  must  have  been  near  ninety  years  of 
age  at  this  time,  and  if  actually  in  the  exercise  of  gov- 
ernment, no  doubt  was  more  disposed  than  ever  to 
live  peaceably  with  his  English  neighbors. 

Mr.  Winthrop  states,  that  he  died  June  4th,  1647. 
Mr.  Hubbard  says  1648,  and  he  has  been  copied  by  late 
writers  (including  Holmes :)  but  the  former  date  is 
believed  to  be  the  better  authenticated  of  the  two. 
One  or  two  historians  indeed  seem  to  confound  the  old 
sachem  with  a  younger  man,  who  was  killed  in  Philip's 
war,  by  the  Mohawks,  in  June  1676.  This  person  bore 
the  same  name,  and  may  have  been  one  of  his  descend- 
ants. Between  twenty  and  thirty  years  before  this, 
Mr.  Williams,  (the  best  authority  on  all  that  relates 
to  the  Narraghansetts,)  writes,  that  "  their  late  fam- 
ous long-live  Caunnonicus  so  liv'd  and  died,  and  in 
ye  same  most  honorable  manner  and  solemnitie  (in 
their  way)  as  you  laid  to  Sleepe  your  Prudent  Peace- 
Maker,  Mr.  Winthrop,  did  they  honour  this,  their  Pru- 
dent and  Peaceable  Prince." 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Canonicus  succeeded  by  Pessacus. — Mexham. — Ninigret,  Sachem  of  the 
Nianticks. — Proposals  made  by  them  to  the  English,  and  by  the  Eng- 
lish in  return. — They  commence  hostilities  against  Uncas. — The  English 
resolve  to  make  war  upon  them. — They  make  concessions. — Their  visits 
to  Boston. — Subsequent  movements  against  Uncas. — An  armed  party 
sent  against  Ninigret  and  Pessacus. — They  are  accused  of  a  league 
with  the  Dutch  against  the  English. 

STRICTLY  speaking,  there  was  no  successor  to 
Canonicus  in  the  government  of  the  Narra- 
ghansetts,  the  lineage,  talents  and  age  of  that 
sachem  having  given  him  a  peculiar  influence  over  his 
countrymen,  which  none  other  among  them  could  com- 
mand. At  his  death,  therefore,  the  authority  which 
he  had  monopolized  at  one  time,  and  afterwards  shared 
with  Miantonomo  and  others,  reverted  into  that  form 
of  dominion  (half  way  between  oligarchy  and  demo- 
cracy, and  occasionally  vibrating  to  each  extreme,) 
which  is  common  among  the  Indian  tribes. 

One  of  the  Narraghansett  chiefs,  after  that  period, 
was  his  son,  Mexham,  otherwise  called  Mexamo,  Mix- 
amo,  Meihammoh,  and  by  Roger  Williams  also  Mrik- 
sah  and  Mejhsah.  Considering  the  multitude  of  his 
names,  he  is  rather  less  distinguished  than  might  be 
supposed.  Mr.  Williams,  however,  gives  him  the  credit 
of  inheriting  '  his  father's  spirit '  of  friendliness  for  the 
(224) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  226 

English.  In  another  passage,  speaking  of  the  Nip- 
mucks,  he  says,  '  they  were  unquestionably  subject  to 
ye  Narrhighansett  sachims,  and  in  a  special  manner  to 
Mejhsah,  ye  son  of  Caunonnicus,  and  late  husband  to 
this  old  Squa-Sachim  now  only  surviving/  This  let- 
ter bearing  date  of  May  7th,  1668,  Mexham  must  have 
died  previous  to  that  time.  The  name  of  his  widow 
and  successor,  (sometimes  called  Quaiapen,  and  more 
frequently  Magnus,)  who  was  a  woman  of  great  en- 
ergy, figures  not  a  little  in  the  history  of  King-Philip's 
war.  We  may '  hereafter  have  occasion  to  mention 
both  husband  and  wife. 

A  more  distinguished  character  was  Pessacus,  gen- 
erally believed  to  have  been  the  brother  of  Mianto- 
nomo,  and  therefore  n^phezv  of  Canonicus — a  better 
authenticated  theory  than  that  of  Johnson's,  who  (in 
his  Wonder-Working  Providence),  calls  him  a  son. 
He  was  born  about  the  time  of  the  English  settling  at 
Plymouth,  and  was  therefore  not  far  from  twenty 
years  old  when  his  brother  was  killed.  His  name  be- 
ing associated  with  that  of  Canonicus  in  the  deed  of 
1644,  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  chapter,  it  may  be 
presumed,  that  the  mantle  of  Miantonomo,  after  his 
death,  fell  upon  the  shoulders  of  Pessacus.  It  will 
soon  appear,  how  much  he  interested  himself,  both  as 
sachem  and  brother,  in  the  revenge  of  that  outrage. 

It  is  impossible  to  pursue  the  career  of  either  of 
these  chieftains,  eminent  in  history  as  some  of  them 
are,  without  connecting  them  not  only  with  each  other, 
but  with  a  foreign  party  who  still  remains  to  be  named. 
We  refer  to  Ninigret,  chief  sachem  of  the  Nianticks, 
generally  considered  a  Narraghansett  tribe,  and  cer- 
tainly the  most  considerable  of  all  those  which  prof- 
it .  of  H.— XXX— 15 


226  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ited  by  the  alliance  of  that  people.  Miantonomo 
spoke  of  them  to  Governor  Winthrop,  in  1642,  "  as  his 
own  flesh,  being  allied  by  continual  intermarriages ;" 
and  the  governor  consequently  had  "  some  difficulty 
to  bring  him  to  desert  them."  In  fact,  they  were  rather 
confederates  than  tributaries  to  Canonicus  during 
his  life,  and  the  relationship  of  blood,  with  no  other 
bonds  of  sympathy,  would  have  abundantly  sufficed 
to  keep  up  an  intimate  connexion  after  his  death. 
Prince  states  that  Ninigret  was  the  uncle  of  Mianto- 
nomo; but  other  writers  represent  him  as  the  brother 
or  brother-in-law;  and  considering  the  age  of  the  par- 
ties especially,  the  latter  supposition  is  much  the  more 
plausible.  Either  will  explain  the  regard  which  he  will 
be  found  to  have  cherished  for  the  memory  of  the  dead 
chieftain,  and  for  the  person  of  Pessacus,  the  living 
brother. 

We  first  hear  of  Ninigret  in  1632,  from  which  time 
to  1635  a  violent  war  was  carried  on  between  the  Narr- 
aghansetts  and  Pequots.  In  this  he  is  said  to  have 
taken  no  part;  and  the  fair  inference  is,  that  he  was 
not  from  his  relation  to  the  former  under  any  neces- 
sity, and  probably  not  under  obligation,  to  assist  them. 

A  similar  conclusion  might  be  drawn  from  the  di- 
vision of  captives  made  at  the  close  of  the  war  of  1637, 
when  Ninigret's  services  were  acknowledged  by  the 
compliment  of  twenty  Pequots — in  the  same  man- 
ner, though  not  in  the  same  measure,  with  those  of 
Uncas  and  Miantonomo.  Like  the  latter,  however, 
Ninigret  took  no  personal  or  active  part  in  that  war: 
and  like  him,  he  permitted  his  subjects  to  go  volun- 
teers under  Mason.  Mr.  Wolcott  thus  mentions  him 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  227 

on  the  occasion  of  Underbill's  arrival  in  his  territory, 
on  his  way  to  the  Pequots : 

And  marching  through  that  country  soon  they  met 

The  Narraghansett  Prince,  proud   Ninnigrett, 

To  whom  the  English  say,  we  lead  these  bands, 

Armed  in  this  manner,  thus  into  your  lands, 

Without  design  to  do  you  injury, 

But  only  to  invade  the  enemy; 

You,  who  to  the  expense  of  so  much  blood 

Have  long  time  born  their  evil  neighborhood, 

Will  bid  us  welcome,  and  will  well  excuse 

That   we   this   way   have   took   our   rendezvouz,   &c." 

If  what  is  here  intimated  was  true,  that  the  Pequots 
had  been  bad  neighbors  to  the  Nianticks,  as  they  cer- 
tainly had  been  to  the  Narraghansetts,  it  is  no  mat- 
ter of  wonder  that  numbers  of  those  tribes  engaged 
in  the  English  expedition ;  and  it  indicates  the  pride, 
if  not  magnanimity,  of  their  two  young  chiefs,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  neither  would  consent  to  fight  against 
the  common  enemy  of  both. 

From  Major  Mason's  account  of  the  affair,  it  would 
appear  that  the  English  took  this  independence  of 
Ninigret  rather  in  dudgeon.  "  On  the  Wednesday 
morning,"  says  that  writer,  "  we  marched  from  thence 
to  a  Place  called  Nayanticke,  it  being  about  eighteen 
or  twenty  miles  distant,  where  another  of  those  Narr- 
aghansetts lived  in  a  Fort ;  it  being  a  Frontier  to  the 
Pequots.  They  carryed  very  proudly  towards  us ;  not 
permitting  any  of  us  to  come  into  their  Fort."  Upon 
which  Mason  set  a  guard  about  them,  forbidding  the 
Indians  to  go  in  or  out,  and  quartered  in  the  neigh- 
borhood over  night.  Whether  this  '  Sachem '  was 
Ninigret  or  one  of  his  subjects,  the  conduct  of  Mason 
could  hardly  have  left  a  very  gratifying  impression  on 
the  mind  of  that  chieftain.  Possibly,  if  borne  in  mind 


228  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

by  the  reader,  it  may  throw  some  light  upon  subse- 
quent events. 

From  the  time  of  Miantonomo's  death,  all  the  sa- 
chems we  have  mentioned  as  succeeding  to  his  power, 
came  prominently  into  intercourse  with  the  English. 
Ninigret  and  Pessacus,  particularly,  were  distin- 
guished by  a  continual  series  of  controversies  alter- 
nately with  that  people,  and  the  Mohegans,  and  very 
often  with  both.  They  inherited  the  strong  prejudice 
of  the  slaughtered  Narraghansetts  against  Uncas  and 
his  tribe  ;  and  most  bitterly  was  that  prejudice  exasper- 
ated by  the  slaughter  itself. 

Anticipating  such  an  excitement,  the  commissioners, 
immediately  after  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  des- 
patched messengers  to  Pessacus,  who  were  directed 
to  inform  him  that  they  had  heard  of  the  quarrel  be- 
tween himself  and  Uncas ;  and  to  propose  that  he 
should  send  delegates  to  Hartford :  these  should  meet 
delegates  from  Uncas,  and  thus  all  differences  be  ad- 
justed. A  conference  accordingly  was  agreed  upon, 
and  it  took  place  as  proposed.  The  result  was  stated, 
in  the  commissioners  Report :  "  They  did  require 
that  neither  themselves  [the  Narraghansetts]  nor  the 
Nayanticks  should  make  any  warr  or  injurious  assault 
vpon  Vncus  or  any  of  his  company  vntil  they  make 
proofe  of  the  ransome  charged  &c  " — alluding  to  the 
allegation  that  Uncas  had  embezzled  money,  deposited 
in  his  hands  for  Miantonomo's  redemption. 

The  following  agreement  was  subscribed  by  the 
four  "  Narrohigganset  Deputies,"  as  they  are  called  in 
the  Report.  It  should  be  observed,  that  although  "  the 
Nayantick  sachems  "  are  ostensibly  here  represented, 
the  only  evidence  going  to  justify  such  a  phraseology, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  229 

so  far  as  we  know,  is  in  a  previous  statement  (in  the 
Report,)  that  when  the  English  messengers  had  been 
sent  to  propose  this  conference,  the  Narraghansett 
sagamores  "  consulting  among  themselves  and  with 
Kienemo  one  of  the  Nayantick  sachims  had  sent  a  saga- 
more &c."  We  copy  literatim  and  punctuatim : 

"  Weetowisse  one  of  the  Narrohiggansett  sachims 
Pummumsh  (alias)  Pumumshe  and  Pawpianet  two 
of  the  Narrohigganset  Captaines  being  sent  with  two 
of  the  Narrohiggannsett  Indians  as  Deputies  from  the 
Narrohigganset  and  Nayantick  sachims  to  make  proofs 
of  the  ransome  they  pretended  was  given  for  their 
late  sachim's  life  as  also  to  make  knoune  some  other 
greevances  they  had  against  Vncus  sachim  of  the  Mo- 
higgins  did  in  conclusion  promise  and  engage  them- 
selves (according  to  the  power  committed  to  them)  that 
there  should  be  no  war  begun  by  any  of  the  Narrohig- 
gansets  or  Nayantick  Indians  with  the  Mohegan  sa- 
chim or  his  men  till  after  the  next  planting  tyme,  and 
that  after  that,  before  they  begin  warr,  or  vse  any 
hostility  towards  them,  they  will  give  thirty  dayes 
warneing  thereof  to  the  Government  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts or  Conectacutt. 

Hartford  the  XVIIjth  of  September,  1644 

(Signed  with  the  marks  of)         WEETOWISSE 

PAWPIANET 
CHIMOUGH 
PUMMUMSHE." 

This,  considering  it  an  agreement  authorised  by 
Pessacus,  was  certainly  as  much  as  could  be  reason- 
ably expected  of  him ;  for  such  was  his  eagerness  to 
revenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  that  he  had  himself 
sent  messengers  to  confer  upon  the  subject  with  the 


230  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Massachusetts  Government.  Only  a  month  or  two 
after  that  event,  they  carried  a  present  from  him,  of 
an  otter  coat,  with  wampum  to  the  value  of  fifteen 
pounds.  Proposals  of  peace  and  friendship  were 
tendered ;  but  a  request  was  added,  that  the  Governor 
should  not  assist  Uncas,  whom  he  (Pessacus)  intended 
shortly  to  make  war  upon.  The  Governor  replied, 
that  he  desired  peace,  but  wished  that  all  the  Indian 
tribes,  including  the  Mohegans,  might  be  partakers  of 
it;  and  that  unless  Pessacus  would  consent  to  these 
terms,  his  present  could  not  be  received.  The  mes- 
sengers said,  they  had  no  instructions  upon  this  point ; 
they  would  however  return,  and  consult  with  Pes- 
sacus ;  and  meanwhile  the  Governor  was  requested 
to  retain  the  present,  which  he  did. 

After  this,  (in  April,  1644)  and  previous  to  the 
Hartford  conference,  the  Governor  sent  messengers 
on  his  own  part  to  the  Narraghansetts,  probably  to 
sound  the  disposition  of  Pessacus.  They  went  first 
to  the  wigwam  of  the  old  sachem  Canonicus,  whom 
they  found  in  such  ill  humor  that  he  did  not  admit 
them,  (as  they  stated)  for  two  hours,  during  which 
time  they  were  not  altogether  at  ease,  being  obliged 
to  endure  the  pelting  of  a  rain-storm.  On  entering, 
they  found  him  lying  upon  his  couch.  He  noticed 
them,  not  very  cordially,  for  the  purpose  of  referring 
them  to  Pessacus ;  and  for  him  they  waited  four  hours 
more.  When  he  came,  he  took  them  into  a  shabby 
wigwam,  and  kept  them  talking  with  him  most  of  the 
night.  On  the  whole,  he  appeared  determined  to  wage 
war  on  Uncas  forthwith ;  not  in  the  manner  of  Mian- 
tonomo,  but  by  sending  out  small  war-parties,  to  cut 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  231 

off  the  straggling  Mohegans,  and  to  interfere  with 
their  hunting  and  fishing. 

There  is  reason  to  believe,  that  he  either  had  taken, 
or  was  about  taking  some  measures  in  pursuance 
of  this  scheme;  and  that  the  message  of  the  commis- 
sioners was  therefore  rather  as  much  in  consequence 
as  in  anticipation  of  his  acts.  On  the  23d  of  April, 
messengers  came  to  Boston  from  Pomham,  (a  chief, 
hereafter  noticed  at  length,  who  had  put  himself  under 
the  Massachusetts  protection,)  with  intelligence  that 
the  Narraghansetts  had  captured  and  killed  six  Mohe- 
gan  men  and  five  women ;  and  had  sent  him  two  hands 
and  a  foot,  to  engage  him  in  the  war.  If  this  state- 
ment was  true  —  and  we  know  no  particular  reason 
for  doubting  it  —  the  commissioners  might  certainly 
consider  themselves  fortunate  in  checking  hostilities, 
so  far  as  they  did  in  September. 

They  convened  again,  at  Boston,  early  in  1645 ; 
and  messengers  were  again  sent  to  the  Narraghan- 
setts, with  directions  afterwards  to  visit  the  Mohe- 
gans, inviting  all  the  sachems  to  meet  them  for  a  new 
adjustment  of  difficulties.  The  instructions  given  to 
these  men  imply,  that  the  commissioners  supposed 
Pessacus  to  be  in  a  state  of  warfare  with  Uncas  at 
that  time  —  whether  it  was  now  past  "  planting-tyme," 
or  not  —  but  the  same  records  show  that  the  messen- 
gers brought  back  "  a  letter  from  Mr  Roger  Williams 
wherein  hee  assures  vs  the  warr  would  presently  break 
forth  and  that  the  Narrohiggansett  sachims  had  lately 
concluded  a  neutrallyty  with  Providence  and  the 
Townes  upon  Aquidnett  [Rhode]  Island." 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  the  treaty  was  not  yet 
broken  —  when  the  messengers  were  sent.  Pessacus 


232  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

at  first  told  them,  that  he  would  attend  the  commis- 
sioners' summons,  and  that  meanwhile  there  should 
be  no  operations  against  Uncas ;  but  he  soon  after- 
wards said,  that  his  mind  was  changed.  They  then 
went  to  Ninigret.  He  expressed  great  discontent  on 
account  of  certain  military  assistance  which  the  Eng- 
lish had  sent  to  defend  Uncas;  and  threatened  haugh- 
tily, (said  the  messengers)  that  unless  that  force  were 
withdrawn,  he  should  consider  it  a  violation  of  the 
treaty.  "  He  would  procure  as  many  Mowhauques  as 
the  English  should  afront  [meet]  them  with,  that 
would  lay  the  English  cattell  on  heapes  as  heigh  as 
their  houses,  and  no  Englishman  should  stir  out  of 
his  doore  but  he  should  be  killed/' 

After  meeting  such  a  reception  here,  the  messen- 
gers were  afraid  to  set  out  for  the  Mohegan  country, 
and  they  therefore  went  back  to  Pessacus,  and  re- 
quested him  to  furnish  them  with  a  guide.  He  offered 
them  an  old  Pequot  squaw — in  derision  (as  they  sup- 
posed) —  and  even  while  they  were  speaking,  several 
of  his  Indians  who  stood  close  behind  him,  appeared 
to  them  to  be  frowning  rather  grimly,  besides  brand- 
ishing their  hatchets  in  a  most  ominous  manner. 

"  Wherevpon,"  [on  the  return  of  the  messengers] 
says  the  Report,  "  the  commissioners  considering  the 
great  provocations  offered  and  the  necessyty  we 
should  be  put  unto  making  warr  vpon  the  Narro- 
higgansets  &c."  it  was  agreed,  "  First,  that  our  engage- 
ment bound  us  to  ayde  and  defende  the  Mohegan 
Sachem.  2dly,  That  this  ayde  could  not  be  intended 
onely  to  defend  him  and  his  in  his  fort  or  habitacon, 
but  (according  to  the  common  acceptacon  of  such 
covenants  or  engagements  considered  with  the  fraude 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  233 

or  occasion  thereof)  so  to  ayde  him  as  hee  might 
be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  3dly,  That  this 
ayde  must  be  speedy  least  he  might  bee  swallowed  vp 
in  the  mean  tyme  and  so  come  too  late." 

The  engagement  here  alluded  to  was  made  at 
Hartford  in  these  words :  "  That  if  they  assault  Vncus 
the  English  are  engaged  to  assist  him."  Whether 
they  had  assaulted  him  or  not  —  whether,  if  they  had, 
it  was  under  circumstances  which  started  such  a 
casus  f&deris  as  to  justify  the  English  interference  — 
and  whether,  under  any  circumstances,  the  latter 
could  justify  sending  an  expedition  designed  "  not 
onely  to  ayde  the  Mohegans  but  to  offend  the  Nar- 
rohiggansets  Nyanticks  and  other  their  confederates  " 
—  need  not  now  be  discussed.  Nor  shall  we  inquire 
whether  any  blame  was  chargeable,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  Uncas,  as  having  himself  secretly  provoked  hostili- 
ties—  which,  it  may  be  observed,  is  a  matter  that  in 
its  nature  cannot  easily  be  determined. 

Preparations  were  made  for  a  war ;  but,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  some  of  the  Massachusetts  Government, 
it  was  concluded  to  make  still  another  offer  of  com- 
promise to  the  Narraghansetts,  returning  at  the  same 
time,  by  way  of  manifesto,  the  present  of  wampum 
'  long  since  sent  and  left  by  messengers  from  Piscus 
[Pessacus]/  A  conference  took  place  between  some 
of  the  messengers  and  some  of  the  Sachems,  at  which 
Mr.  Williams  officiated  as  interpreter,  and  the  result  was 
almost  necessarily  pacific.  Several  of  the  allegations 
of  the  English  ('  which  Benedict  upon  oath  had  form- 
erly certified ')  were  denied,  says  the  commissioners' 
Report,  and  others  excused,  and  as  the  English  desired 
further  conference,  it  was  agreed  "  that  Pissicus  chiefe- 


234  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

sachem  of  the  Narraghansetts  and  Mixano  Canow- 
nacus  his  eldest  sonn  and  others  should  forthwith 
come  to  Bostone  to  treat  with  the  commissioners  for 
the  restoreing  and  settleing  of  peace." 

This  promise  was  faithfully  kept.  The  sachems 
just  named,  with  a  Niantick  deputy,  made  their  appear- 
ance at  Boston  within  a  few  days,  followed  by  a  long 
train  of  attendants.  Some  altercation  took  place  be- 
tween them  and  the  commissioners,  in  the  course  of 
which  the  latter  charged  them  (as  the  report  shows,) 
that,  notwithstanding  the  Hartford  treaty,  "  they  had 
this  summer  (1645)  at  several  tymes  invaded  Vncus  &c.'f 
At  length,  with  great  reluctance,  and  "  after  long  de- 
bate, and  some  private  conferrence  they  had  with 
Sergeant  Cullicutt  they  acknowledged  they  had  brooken 
promise  or  covenant  in  the  aforemenconed  warrs." 
They  then  offered  to  make  another  truce,  but  that  not 
satisfying  the  commissioners,  they  wished  to  know 
what  would.  Upon  which  the  commissioners,  "  to 
show  their  moderacon  required  of  them  but  twoo  thou- 
sand fathome  of  white  wampum  for  their  oune  satis- 
faccon,"  beside  their  restoring  the  boats  and  prisoners 
taken  from  Uncas,  and  making  reparation  for  all 
damages.  A  treaty,  containing  these  and  other  stip- 
ulations, and  providing  that  the  payment  of  one  in- 
stalment should  be  made  in  twenty  days,  was  drawn 
up  and  finally  subscribed  by  all  the  deputies.  Four 
hostages  were  given  for  security,  including  a  son  of 
Pessacus ;  the  English  army  was  disbanded ;  the 
sachems  returned  home ;  and  the  4th  of  September, 
which  had  been  appointed  for  a  fast,  was  now  ordered 
to  be  observed  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  236 

We  have  thought  it  the  less  necessary  to  specify 
all  the  provisions  of  this  '  treaty/  inasmuch  as  the 
circumstances  under  which  it  was  made,  amount,  as 
appears  to  us,  to  such  a  duress  as  not  only  must  have 
greatly  exasperated  the  Sachems,  but  clearly  inva- 
lidated the  treaty  itself.  This  point,  however,  we  shall 
leave  to  be  decided  by  every  reader  who  will  trouble 
himself  to  become  familiar  with  those  minutiae  which 
cannot  here  be  stated.  It  is  sufficient  to  add,  that  the 
Report  itself,  as  above  cited,  shows  the  consideration 
(so  as  to  speak)  upon  which  the  whole  transaction 
was  founded,  to  have  failed,  or  rather  never  to  have 
existed.  The  '  acknowledgements/  indeed,  like  the 
agreements,  under  the  circumstances  we  count  noth- 
ing; but  even  these,  as  the  commissioners  state  them, 
only  intimate  that  the  Narraghansetts  had  invaded 
Uncas  '  this  summer  ' — that  is,  (for  aught  we  are  told) 
subsequent  to  '  planting-tyme/  when  the  former  treaty 
expired  —  and  not  then  without  previous  and  repeated 
declarations  to  the  English,  as  we  have  seen,  of  their 
intended  movements.  No  remarks  need  be  made  upon 
the  invasion  of  the  English,  or  upon  the  requisitions 
on  the  deputies  of  Boston. 

One  provision  of  the  treaty  was,  that  the  Narra- 
ghansetts should  meet  Uncas  at  New  Haven  in  1646, 
which  they  failed  to  do,  though  Uncas  himself  at- 
tended the  meeting  of  the  commissioners  at  that  place. 
Nor  did  they  make  their  payments  of  wampum  accord- 
ing to  promise.  Three  instalments,  to  the  amount  of 
one  thousand  three  hundred  fathoms,  being  now  due, 
they  sent  into  Boston  one  hundred  fathoms  —  mostly, 
it  is  said  in  '  old  kettles  ' —  excusing  themselves  on 
the  score  of  poverty  and  the  failure  of  the  Nianticks 


236  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

to  contribute  their  proportion.  So  small  a  sum  the 
commissioners  would  not  accept;  and  the  messengers 
who  brought  it  therefore  sold  their  kettles  to  a 
Boston  brazier,  and  deposited  the  money  in  his  hands, 
to  be  paid  over  when  they  should  bring  the  residue 
of  the  debt.  Messengers  were  sent  for  Pessacus,  but 
he  failed  to  make  his  appearance. 

The  summons  being  repeated  in  1647,  on  the  31st 
of  July,  "  The  Thomas  Stanton  returned  with  Pes- 
sacks  answere  as  followinge.  Pessack  being  charged 
for  not  meeting  the  commissioners  at  New  Haven  the 
last  yeare,  his  answere  was,  he  had  no  warninge.  It 
is  true,  said  he,  I  have  broken  my  covenant  these  two 
years,  and  it  is  and  hath  been  the  constant  griefe  of 
my  spirit.  2dly,  The  reason  why  he  doth  not  come 
at  this  time  is,  because  he  hath  bene  sick  and  is  now 
sicke ;  had  I  bene  but  pretty  well,  said  he,  I  would 
have  come  to  them."  He  also  stated,  that  he  when 
the  last  treaty  was  made,  he  acted  in  fear  of  the  English 
army,  and  he  proposed  to  send  Ninigret  to  Boston 
forthwith,  with  full  authority  to  treat  in  his  own  name. 

Ninigret  accordingly  came  on  the  3d  of  August. 
When  the  Commissioners  demanded  an  explanation 
of  his  past  defaults,  he  at  first  affected  ignorance  of 
what  agreements  had  been  made  by  the  Narraghan- 
setts.  He  then  argued  the  matter,  and  inquired  upon 
what  pretence  the  alleged  debt  was  originally  founded. 
He  was  reminded  of  all  the  old  subjects  of  complaint, 
including  his  own  declarations  of  hostility  towards 
the  English.  In  respect  to  the  latter,  he  said  that 
the  messengers  had  given  him  provocation.  As  to 
the  money,  he  considered  it  impossible  ever  to  pay 
it,  but  nevertheless  wished  to  know  how  the  reckon- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  237 

ing  now  stood.  It  appeared,  on  examination,  that 
Pessacus  had  paid  seventy  fathoms  of  wampum  the 
first  year.  As  for  the  kettles  sold  to  the  braziers,  that 
property  had  since  been  attached  by  one  Woody,  a 
Boston  man,  for  goods  stolen  from  him  by  a  Narra- 
ghansett  Indian.  Ninigret  excepted  to  this  procedure. 
It  was  neither  the  property  of  Pessacus,  he  said,  nor 
the  thief ;  it  was  deposited  as  part  payment  of  the  debt, 
and  so  ought  to  be  received.  Having  gained  this 
point,  he  next  proposed  that  credit  should  be  given 
him  for  one  hundred  and  five  fathoms,  sent  by  the 
hand  of  an  Indian  named  Cutchamaquin.  It  was  re- 
joined, that  the  sum  referred  to  had  been  intended 
as  a  present  to  the  Governor.  Ninigret,  "  being  pressed 
to  chare  the  questionc  himself  e  he  answered,  his  tounge 
should  not  belye  his  heart,  let  the  debt  be  satisfied  as  it 
may  —  he  intended  it  for  the  Governoure"  He  had  sent 
ten  fathoms  to  Cutchamaquin  for  his  own  trouble ; 
but  that  covetous  Indian,  unsatisfied  with  so  liberal 
a  commission,  had  appropriated  all  but  forty-five 
fathoms  to  his  own  use  and  '  lied '  about  the  residue. 
The  facts  came  out  upon  a  cross-examination,  insti- 
tuted by  Ninigret  in  presence  of  the  commissioners. 

He  then  asked  time  to  give  in  his  final  answer,  and 
the  commissioners  allowed  him  a  day.  Having  con- 
sulted meanwhile  with  his  companions,  he  appeared 
the  next  morning  again.  He  was  sorry  to  find,  he 
said,  that  the  burden  of  the  business  had  been  shifted 
from  the  shoulders  of  Pessacus  upon  his  own,  but 
he  had  determined  to  do  what  he  could;  and  he 
would  therefore  send  some  of  his  men  home  to  collect 
the  arrears  due  to  the  English.  In  the  course  of  three 
days  he  should  know  the  result,  and  in  ten  he  thought 


238  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

the  wampum  might  be  forwarded.  He  would  him- 
self remain  at  Boston  till  that  time,  and  send  word 
to  the  Narraghansetts  of  the  arrangement.  "  But  if 
the  collection,"  he  added,  "  should  fall  short  of  the  sum 
due,  he  desired  some  forbearance,  being  sure  that  the 
residue  would  be  shortly  paid,  and  that  the  English 
would  at  all  events  perceive  his  great  desire  to  give 
them  entire  satisfaction."  The  commissioners  ac- 
cepted these  proposals,  and  Ninigret  despatched  his 
messenger. 

They  returned  on  the  16th  of  the  month,  but 
brought  only  two  hundred  fathom  of  wampum.  The 
commissioners  complained  of  this  new  default,  and 
Ninigret  was  a  little  embarrassed.  He  said,  it  must 
be  owing  to  his  own  absence ;  but  as  it  was,  he  wished 
that  the  wampum  intended,  but  not  yet  received,  as 
a  present  to  the  Governor,  should  go  in  part  payment 
of  the  debt.  For  the  remainder,  he  desired  a  respite 
till  the  next  spring,  when,  if  it  were  not  fully  paid, 
the  English  should  have  his  country  and  his  head. 
The  commissioners  accordingly  gave  him  leave  to 
return  home,  and  allowed  him  twenty  days  for  sending 
in  one  thousand  fathoms;  if  he  failed,  he  must  suffer 
the  consequences.  If  he  did  what  he  could,  and 
Pessacus  failed,  as  he  heretofore  had  done,  they  should 
punish  him,  and  expect  Ninigret's  assistance. 

At  their  meeting  in  1648,  the  commissioners  re- 
ceived information  of  new  movements  of  Pessacus 
and  Ninigret,  in  disturbance  of  the  common  peace. 
Both  sachems  were  said  to  be  withdrawing  their  old 
men,  women  and  children  into  swamps,  hiding  their 
corn,  and  preparing  for  the  reception  of  the  Mohawk, 
whom  they  had  engaged  to  assist  them.  The  invad- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  239 

ing  army  was  to  consist  of  eight  hundred  men.  The 
Mohawks  had  four  hundred  guns,  and  three  pounds 
of  powder  to  a  gun.  Ninigret  had  made  inquiry 
whether  the  English  would  probably  defend  Uncas, 
and  seemed  to  calculate,  in  that  case,  upon  the  neces- 
sity of  fighting  them.  The  Pocomtock  tribe  were  also 
engaged  to  assist  him.  But  both  these  and  the  Mo- 
hawks were  finally  discouraged  from  undertaking  the 
expedition,  by  the  prospect  of  having  to  contend  with 
the  English. 

But  depredations  were  soon  after  committed  by 
some  of  the  Narraghansetts  upon  the  English ;  and  as 
for  Uncas,  the  hostility  against  him  was  carried  so  far, 
that  he  came  very  near  losing  his  life  by  an  Indian 
hired  to  assassinate  him,  having  been  run  through  the 
breast  with  a  sword,  as  he  was  going  on  board  a 
vessel  in  the  river  Thames.  At  the  commissioners' 
meeting  in  1649,  he  appeared,  laid  his  complaints  before 
them,  and  demanded  the  protection  of  his  ally.  Nini- 
gret also  presented  himself.  As  to  hiring  the  Indian 
to  assassinate  Uncas,  he  observed,  the  confession  of 
the  criminal  himself  was  the  only  evidence  in  the  case, 
and  that  was  forced  from  him  by  the  Mohegans.  As 
to  the  arrears  of  the  wampum,  of  which  much  was 
said,  he  thought  there  had  been  a  mistake  in  the 
measure,  and  that  only  two  hundred  fathoms  were  due, 
while  that  the  English  at  this  time  acknowledged  the 
receipt  of  only  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty 
nine  and  a  half  in  the  whole.  But  the  commissioners 
were  dissatisfied  with  his  answer;  and  they  there- 
fore once  more  set  themselves  to  making1  vigorous 
preparations  for  war. 


240  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

The  measures  adopted  in  1650,  may  be  learned 
from  the  following  passage  of  the  commissioner's 
record  for  that  year.  "  Taking  into  consideration 
the  seueral  offensiue  practices  of  the  Narraghansetts 
whereby  they  have  broken  their  couenents  and  en- 
deauoured  to  disturbe  the  peace  betweene  the  English 
and  themselves;  and  how  they  yet  delay  to  pay  the 
wampum  which  hath  been  so  long  due  [having  sent 
but  one  hundred  fathom  since  the  last  meeting  at 
Boston:]  it  was  therefore  thought  meet  to  keepe  the 
colonies  from  falling  into  contempt  among  the  Indians, 
and  to  preuent  their  improuing  said  wampum  to  hire 
other  Indians  to  joyne  with  themselves  against  vs  or 
Vncas,  that  twenty  men  well  armed  bee  sent  out  of 
the  Jurisdiccion  of  Massachusetts  to  Pessicus  to  de- 
mand the  said  Wampum  which  is  three  hundred  and 
eight  fathom,  and  vpon  Refusall  or  Delay  to  take  the 
same  or  to  the  Vallew  thereof  in  the  best  goods  they 
can  find ;  Together  with  so  much  as  will  satisfy  for 
their  charges  &c." 

The  messengers  were  farther  instructed  to  go  to 
Ninigret,  and  make  the  following  complaints.  1. 
That  the  commissioners  were  told  he  had  married 
his  daughter  to  the  brother  of  the  old  Pequot  chief, 
Sassacus,  and  had  made  some  pretensions  to  the 
Pequot  territory.  2.  That  Weekzvash  Cooke  had  com- 
plained to  them  of  certain  grievances  received  at  his 
hands.  3.  "  That  about  twelve  years  sence  a  Mare 
belonging  to  Elty  Pomary  of  Winsor  in  Connecticatt 
was  killed  wilfully  by  Pequiam  a  Nyantick  Indian 
brother  to  Ninegrett  which  Mare  cost  twenty-nine 
pounds,  for  which  satisfaccon  hath  often  been  re- 
quired." &c.  They  were  then  to  demand  payment 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  241 

of  all  charges  due  the  English,  and  as  also  categorical 
answers  to  a  certain  list  of  questions. 

The  party  sent  out  by  Massachusetts  in  pursuance 
of  these  orders  was  commanded  by  Major  Atherton. 
On  meeting  with  Pessacus,  and  stating  the  purposes 
of  his  visit,  some  altercation  ensued.  As  the  Narra- 
ghansett  warriors  meanwhile  appeared  to  be  collect- 
ing around  him,  Atherton  marched  directly  to  the 
door  of  his  wigwam,  posted  a  guard  there,  entered 
himself  with  his  pistol  in  hand,  seized  Pessacus  by 
his  hair,  and  drawing  him  out  from  among  his  attend- 
ants, declared  he  would  despatch  him  instantly  on 
perceiving  the  least  attempt  for  his  rescue.  This 
bold  stroke  made  such  an  impression,  that  all  arrear- 
ages were  paid  on  the  spot.  Atherton  then  visited 
Ninigret,  and  having  stated  the  accusations,  suspicions 
and  threats  of  the  commissioners  —  though  without 
obtaining  any  farther  satisfaction  —  returned  home. 

In  1653,  the  commissioners  sent  messengers  to 
demand  of  Ninigret,  Pessacus  and  Mexham,  answers 
to  the  following  questions.  They  are  given  in  full, 
as  a  curious  illustration  both  of  the  policy  of  the  for- 
mer and  the  character  of  the  latter.  The  object  and 
occasion  are  sufficiently  manifest  on  the  face  of  them. 

1.  Whether  the  Duch  Governor  hath  engaged  him 
[Ninigret]   and  others  to  healp  them  to  fight  against 
the  English,  and  how  many? 

2.  Whether  the  Duch  Governor  did  not  attempt 
such  a  Conspiracy? 

3.  Whether  hee  [Ninigret]  hath  not  received  of  the 
Duch  Governor  guns  powder  bullets  and  swords  or 
any  ammunition  to  that  end ;  and  how  much  or  many 
of  the  said  provisions  for  warr? 

M.  erf  H.— XXX— 16 


24:2  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

4.  What  other  sachems  or  Indians  to  his  knowlidg 
that  are  so  engaged? 

5.  Whether  himselfe  or  the  Rest  are  Resolved  ac- 
cording  to    theire    engagement   to    fight    against   the 
English  ? 

6.  If  hee  bee  Resolved  of  his  way  what  he  thinks 
the  English  will  do? 

7.  Whether  it  bee  not  safest  for  him  and  his  men 
to  be  true  to  the  English? 

8.  Whether  the  Duch  hath  engaged  to  healp  him 
and  the  Rest  of  the  Indians  against  the  English  ? 

9.  If  hee  hatie  engaged  against  us  to  aske  vpon 
what  grounds  and  what  wrong  wee  haue  donn  him? 

10.  Whether  hee  thinks  it  meet  to  com  or  send 
his  messengers  to  give  satisfaction  concerning  these 
queries? 

11.  Wether  hee  hath  hiered  the  Mohakes  to  healp 
him   against   us  ? 

The  answer  of  Mexham,  as  reported  by  the  mes- 
sengers, to  the  first  question,  was  thus.  "  I  speak 
vnfeigedly  from  my  hart  without  Dessimulation  that 
I  know  of  noe  such  plott  that  is  intended  or  ploted 
by  the  Duch  Governor  against  the  English  my  frinds. 
Though  I  bee  poor  it  is  not  goods  guns  powder  nor 
shott  that  shall  draw  mee  to  such  a  plott."  Pessacus 
said,  "  I  am  very  thankfull  to  these  two  men  that  came 
from  the  Massachusetts  and  to  you  Thomas  and  to 
you  Poll  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith  that  are  come  soe  fare 
as  from  the  Bay  to  bring  vs  this  message,  and  to  en- 
forme  vs  of  these  things  wee  knew  not  of  before." 

To  the  second,  Mexham  answered  '  No/  Pessacus 
said,  "  that  for  the  Governor  of  the  Duch,  wee  are 
loth  to  Inuent  any  falsehood  of  him,  though  we  bee 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  243 

far  off  from  him,  to  please  the  English  or  any  other 
that  bring  these  Reports.  The  Duch  Governor  did 
never  propound  such  a  thing."  He  also  represented 
the  evident  folly  of  his  leagueing  with  a  remote  people 
against  his  nearest  neighbors.  He  gave  a  negative  to 
the  fifth  question.  The  sixth  he  supposed  to  be  al- 
ready answered.  To  the  seventh,  he  said,  "wee  desire 
to  keepe  it  [peace]  feirmly  to  our  dicing  day  as  neare 
as  we  can."  The  eighth  and  ninth,  both  Mexham  and 
Pessacus  thought  they  had  answered  already.  As  to 
the  tenth,  they  replied,  that  Pessacus  was  too  old  to 
"  trauell  two  daies  together,  but  they  would  send  some 
men  into  the  Massachusetts  to  speak  with  [tell]  the 
Sachems  that  they  had  sent  to  Mr.  Smith  and  Voll  his 
man  to  speake  to  Mr.  Browne  that  they  loved  the  Eng- 
lish sachems  and  all  English  in  the  Bay."  The  charge 
implied  in  the  last  query  they  absolutely  denied. 

The  answers  of  Ninigret,  which  were  given  sepa- 
rately, are  the  more  worthy  of  notice  that  he  was 
known  to  have  visited  New  York  during  the  previous 
winter,  and  had  been  accused  by  various  Indians,  in- 
cluding some  of  the  Mohegans,  of  having  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Dutch  against  the  English.  He  ut- 
terly disclaimed  such  conduct.  "  But,"  he  added, 
"  whiles  I  was  there  att  the  Indian  Wigwames  there 
cam  som  Indians  that  told  mee  there  was  a  shipp  com 
in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and 
Duch  were  fighting  together  in  theire  owne  countrey, 
and  theire  were  severall  other  shippes  cominge  with 
amunition  to  fight  against  the  English  heer,  and  that 
there  would  bee  a  great  blow  given  to  them,  but  this 
(said  he,)  I  had  from  the  Indians,  and  I  cannot  tell  how 
true  it  is."  Next,  four  queries  were  answered  in  the 


244  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

negative.  As  to  the  sixth,  "  What  shall  I  answare 
these  things  over  and  over  again?  What  doe  the  Eng- 
lish thinke  that  I  thinke  they  bee  asleep  and  suffer  mee 
to  do  them  wronge?  Doe  we  not  know  they  are  not 
a  sleepy  people?  The  English  make  queries  for  gun- 
powder, and  shot  and  swords.  Do  they  thinke  wee 
are  mad  to  sell  our  lieus  and  the  Hues  of  all  our  wiues 
and  children  and  all  our  kindred,  and  to  haue  our  coun- 
trey  destroyed  for  a  few  guns  powder  shott  and  swords? 
What  will  they  doe  vs  good  when  wee  are  dead  ?  " 
The  eight,  ninth,  and  eleventh,  were  denied.  To  the 
seventh  he  replied,  that  he  knew  no  reason  for  breaking 
his  league  with  his  old  friends  the  English ;  and  why 
should  he  ally  himself  to  a  few  Dutchmen,  so  far  off, 
when  he  lived  next  door  to  tliemf  The  answer  to  the 
tenth  would  puzzle  the  most  mystifying  politician  of 
modern  times.  "  It  being  indifferently  spoken  whether 
hee  may  goe  or  send  yet  hee  knowing  nothing  by  him- 
selfe  wherein  hee  hath  wronged  the  English  but  that 
hee  may  goe  yet  being  Indifferently  spoken  hee  would 
send  to  speak  with  the  English." 

Letters  having  been  also  sent  to  the  sachems  from 
the  commissioners,  Pessacus  and  Mexham  sent  word 
in  return,  that  they  wished  for  a  good  understanding, 
and  hoped  it  might  be  preserved.  They  requested, 
furthermore,  that  the  English  would  make  known  the 
names  of  their  accusers,  and  the  other  sources  of  their 
information  respecting  their  alleged  league  with  the 
Dutch.  Ninigret  replied  as  follows : 

"  You  are  kindly  welcom  to  vs  and  I.  kindly  thanke 
the  Sachems  [magistrates]  of  the  Massachusetts  that 
they  would  Nominate  my  Name  amongst  the  other  to 
require  my  answare  to  the  propositions:  had  any  of 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  245 

the  other  Sachems  been  att  the  Duch  I  should  have 
feared  theire  folly  might  have  donn  some  hurt  one  way 
or  other,  but  they  have  not  been  there.  /  am  the  Man 
that  haue  bene  there  myselfe,  therefore  I  must  answare 
for  what  I  haue  doun.  I  doe  utterley  deney  and  pro- 
test against  any  such  acteings  doun  by  mee  or  to  my 
knowlidge  att  or  with  the  Duch.  What  is  the  story  of 
these  great  rumers,  that  I  hear  att  Pocatocke,  that  I 
should  bee  cut  off  and  that  the  English  had  a  quarrel 
against  mee.  I  know  of  noe  such  cause  att  all  for  my 
parte.  Is  it  because  I  went  thither  to  take  Phisicke  for  my 
healthe?  Or  what  is  the  cause  I  found  noe  such  enter- 
tainment from  the  Duch  Governour,  when  I  was  there 
to  giue  mee  any  Incorragement  to  sturr  mee  upp  to 
such  a  league  against  the  English  my  friends.  It  was 
winter-time,  and  I  stood  a  great  parte  of  a  day  knock- 
ing at  the  Governor's  dore,  and  he  would  'neither  open 
it  nor  suffer  others  open  it  to  lett  mee  in.  I  was 
not  wont  to  find  such  carriage  from  the  English  my 
frinds."  The  messenger  promised  to  be  sent  by  Pes- 
sacus  was  sent  accordingly.  The  English  examined 
him  very  closely  but  ascertained  nothing  new. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Sequel  of  the  lives  of  Ninigret  and  Pessacus,  from  1653. — Various  accusa- 
tions, deputations,  and  hostile  movements  between  them  and  the  Eng- 
lish.— Controversy  between  Ninigret  and  Harmon  Garrett. — Application 
for  justice  in  1675. — Condu'*  ol  Ninigret  in  Philip's  War. — Conse- 
quences of  it. — His  death  — Death  of  Pessacus. — Some  of  the  charges 
against  the  former  considered. — His  hostility  to  Uncas,  and  the  Long 
Islanders,  and  *  League  with  the  Dutch  '. — Remarks  on  his  character. 

IN  September,  1653,  new  complaints  were  made 
against  the  Narraghansett  and  Niantick  Sachems. 
It  was  reported  to  the  commissioners,  that  they 
had  attacked  the  Long  Island  Indians,  and  slain  two 
Sachems  and  thirty  others.  This  was  deemed  a  case 
requiring  their  interference ;  and  messengers  were 
forthwith  despatched  as  usual,  to  demand  explanation 
and  satisfaction,  on  penalty  that  the  commissioners 
would  otherwise  u  proceed  as  they  should  find  cause." 
These  men  executed  their  errand,  and  returned  on  the 
19th  of  the  month.  According  to  their  own  account, 
they  were  not  very  graciously  received,  as  indeed  it 
was  hardly  to  be  expected  they  should  be. 

They    declared    upon    oath    that,    on    entering   the 

Niantick  country,  they  saw  about  forty  or  fifty  Indians, 

all  in  arms,  who  came  up  to  them  as  they  rode  by; 

and  the  leader  having  a  gun  in  his  hand,  "  did,  in  the 

(246) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  247 

presence  of  Thomas  Staunton  Serjeant  Waite  and  Val- 
lentyne  Whitman,  put  his  hand  back  as  if  hee  would 
have  cocked  it;  Richard  Waite  said  this  man  will 
shoote ;  whervpon  the  English  men  faced  about,  Rode 
vp  to  the  said  Indians,  asked  what  they  intended  to  doe 
and  bedd  them  goe  before,  which  some  of  them  did  but 
others  would  not;  and  particularly  the  said  Captaine 
Refused.  The  English  rode  on  in  the  way  towards 
Ninigrett,  but  coming  vp  into  the  Woods,  the  former 
company  of  Indians  first  fell  on  shouting  in  a  triumph- 
ing way.  After  the  English  Messengers  came  to  a 
greater  company  of  Indians  all  armed,  whoe  comaund. 
them  to  stand  to  alight  and  to  tye  there  horses  to  a 
tree  showed  them,  which  the  Messengers  refused  to 
doe.  The  Indians  then  strove  to  becompase  the  Eng- 
lish, which  they  would  not  suffer,  but  being  Informed 
that  Ninigrett  would  come  thither  they  stayed  awhile, 
but  Ninigrett  not  coming  the  English  tould  the  Indians 
that  if  they  might  neither  passe  nor  Ninnigrett  come 
then  they  would  return  home.  The  Indians  answared 
hee  would  com  presently,  but  hee  not  coming  the 
English  rode  forward  and  mett  Ninnigrett ;  the  Indians 
running  on  both  sides  hollowing,  the  English  Messen- 
gers made  a  stand,  when  they  mett  Ninnigrett  have- 
ing  many  armed  men  with  him  and  him  selfe  a  pistoll 
in  his  hand.  Ninnigrett  sat  doune  and  desired  them  to 
alight  which  they  did.  The  Indians  then  surrounded 
them  and  som  of  them  charged  their  guns  with  pow- 
der and  bullets  and  som  primed  their  guns.  The  Eng- 
lish in  the  meen  time  delivering  their  message  to  Ninn- 
igrett his  men  were  so  Tumultus  in  speaking  especially 
one  whoe  they  said  was  a  Mohauke  that  they  were 
much  desturbed." 


248  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

The  messengers  were  afterwards  informed  by  one 
of  Ninigret's  chief  men,  "  that  the  aforementioned  Mo- 
hauke  came  to  see  what  news,  for  they  heard  that  the 
English  zvere  coming  to  warr  against  the  Narraghansetts, 
which  if  true  the  Mohaukes  take  what  is  doun  against 
the  Narraghansetts  as  doun  against  themselues."  Af- 
ter leaving  Ninigret,  two  Indians,  with  bows  and  ar- 
rows in  their  hands,  came  running  out  of  the  woods, 
and  roughly  demanded  of  Staunton  whither  he  was 
going,  when  he  was  coming  back,  and  which  way  he 
should  come. — Upon  this  report,  the  commissioners 
decided  to  make  war  at  once,  with  the  exception  of 
Mr.  Bradstreet  alone,  (the  member  from  Massachu- 
setts,) who  protested  against  such  a  proceeding,  and 
thereby  prevented  it. 

In  1654,  the  commissioners  were  informed,  that 
Ninigret  was  not  only  prosecuting  hostilities  against 
the  Long-Island  Indians  as  before,  but  had  hired  the 
Mohawks,  Pocomtocks  and  Wampanoags  to  assist 
him.  They  immediately  sent  messengers  demanding 
his  appearance  at  Hartford,  and  the  payment  of  the 
tribute  so  long  due,  as  they  alleged,  for  the  Pequots 
under  his  dominion.  One  article  in  the  messenger's 
instructions  was  expressed  thus.  "  That  vnless  hee 
either  com  himselfe  forthwithe  to  Hartford  or  give  som 
satisfying  securitie  to  the  commissioners  for  the  true 
and  constant  paiment  of  the  said  Tribute  the  commis- 
sioners shall  thinke  of  some  course  forthwithe  to  de- 
spose  of  the  said  Pequots  some  other  way."  On  the 
18th  of  September,  the  following  report  was  made  of 
the  result  of  the  interview. 

1.  When  Ninigret  was  told,  that  the  commission- 
ers had  perused  the  letter  he  had  sent  to  the  governor  of 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  349 

Massachusetts  concerning  the  suspicions  he  had  of  Un- 
cas,  he  answered,  that  he  knew  nothing  of  such  letter, 
and  expressed  great  wonder  at  its  being  charged  upon 
him. 

Again,  as  to  the  breach  of  covenant  alleged  against 
him,  he  desired  to  know  who  could  say  that  he  had 
any  Peqouts  under  him.  2.  Mr.  Eaton  and  Mr.  Hop- 
kins, being  both  at  New  Haven,  had  told  him  that  he 
was  to  pay  for  the  Pequots  only  ten  yeares.  And  3. 
Those  ten  years  had  elapsed  three  years  before. 

3.  In  respect  to  the  Long-Islanders  he  answered 
in    the    following    remarkable    manner :      "  Wherfore 
should  he  acquaint  the  commissioners  therewith  when 
the  long-islanders  had  slayne  a  sachem's  son  and  sixty 
other  of  his  men ;  and  therefore  he  will  not  make  peace 
with  the  long-islanders,  but  doth  desire  the  English 
would  lett  him  alone,  and  doth  desire  that  the  com- 
missioners would  not  Request  him  to  goe  to  hartford : 
for  hee  had  doun  noe  hurt,  what  should  he  doe  there ; 
hee  had  bene  many  times  in  the  Bay,  and  when  was 
Uncas   there;   Jonathan    [the    messenger]    asked    him 
whether  he  would  send  two  or  three  of  his  men  that 
might  act  in  his  Rome  and  steed  if  hee  would  not  goe 
him  selfe  hee  answared  what  should  hee  or  his  men 
doe  att  hartford ;  Adding  if  youer  Governor's  sonne 
were  slayne  and  seuerall  other  men  would  [you]  aske 
counsell  of  another  Nation  how  and  when  to  Right 
yourselves ;  and  againe  said   hee  would  not  goe  nor 
send  to  Hartford." 

4.  "  Concerning  the  vpland   Indians   his   answare 
was    they    are    my    frinds    and    came    to    healp    mee 
against   the   long-islanders   which   had  killed   seuerall 
of  my  men ;  wherfore  should  I  acquaint  the  commis- 


250  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

sioners  with  it ;  I  doe  but  Right  my  owne  quarell  which 
the  long-islanders  began  with  mee." 

This  spirited  reply,  alone  sufficient  to  immortalize 
Ninigret,  brought  on  open  war.  A  body  of  troops  was 
raised  in  the  three  united  colonies,  and  sent  into  the 
Niantick  country,  under  Major  Willard  of  Massachu- 
setts, with  orders  to  demand  of  Ninigret  the  Pequots 
subject  to  his  control,  the  tribute  already  due  from 
them,  and  also  a  cessation  of  hostilities  against  the 
Indians  of  Long  Island.  On  refusal  to  comply  with 
these  terms,  they  were  to  reduce  him  to  submission 
and  tribute  by  force,  and  take  hostages  for  security. 
The  place  of  general  rendezvous  was  appointed  at 
Staunton's  house  in  the  Narraghansett  country.  On 
arriving  there,  Major  Willard  found  that  Ninigret  had 
fled  into  a  swamp  ten  or  fifteen  miles  distant  from  the 
army,  leaving  his  country,  corn,. and  wigwams,  at  the 
invader's  mercy.  Messengers  were  sent  to  him,  invit- 
ing him  to  a  conference,  and  pledging  the  safety  of  his 
person.  He  returned  answer  that  aggressions  had 
already  been  made  upon  his  territory  and  property,  and 
he  did  not  think  it  safe  for  him  to  visit  the  Major.  He 
wished  to  know,  too,  what  had  occasioned  the  present 
invasion.  What  had  he  done  to  the  English,  that  they 
beset  him  in  this  manner? — Whatever  the  difficulty 
was,  he  was  ready  to  settle  it  by  messengers,  but  not 
in  person. 

A  day  or  two  afterwards,  as  he  was  still  in  close 
quarters,  six  new  messengers  were  sent  to  him,  two 
of  whom,  only,  after  much  debate  with  his  guards  and 
scouts,  were  admitted  to  his  own  presence.  They  be- 
gan with  demanding  the  Pequots ;  to  which  he  replied, 
that  most  of  that  people  had  left  him  already — (nearly 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  261 

one  hundred  had  deserted  to  the  English  army — )  ; 
and  the  few  that  remained  were  hunting  and  strag- 
gling up  and  down  the  country.  He  however  set  his 
mark  to  the  following  agreement,  dated  Oct.  18,  1654. 

"  Wheras  the  commissioners  of  the  vnited  collonies 
demaund  by  theire  Messengers  that  I  deliuer  vp  to  the 
English  all  the  captiue  Pequotes  in  my  countrey  I 
heerby  ingage  myselfe  to  surrender  the  said  Pequotes 
within  seuen  daies  to  Mr.  Winthrope  or  Captain  Mason 
Witnesse  my  hand. 

Witnesse  Thomas  Stanton  and  Vallentine  Whit- 
man Interpreters  Witnesse  alsoe  Thomas  Bligh." 

The  messengers  next  demanded  the  tribute  due  for 
the  Pequots.  He  replied,  that  he  never  engaged  to 
pay  it.  "  Why  then/'  said  they,  "  did  you  pay  it,  or 
part  of  it,  at  New  Haven?"  "Because,"  he  readily 
answered,  "  I  feared  they  would  be  taken  from  me  if  I 
did  not,  and  therefore  made  a  gratuity  out  of  my  own 
wampum  to  please  you."  Being  now  forbidden  in  the 
commissioners'  name,  to  pursue  hostilities  against  the 
Indians  of  Long-Island,  he  stood  silent  for  some  time, 
and  then  asked  if  it  was  right  that  his  men — such  men 
— should  lose  their  lives  and  their  blood,  and  not  be 
revenged.  The  English  observed,  that  he  should  have 
offered  his  complaints  to  the  commissioners ;  but  to 
this  he  made  no  reply ;  nor  yet  to  the  unceremonious 
if  not  uncivil  declaration  of  the  messengers,  that  in 
case  he  gave  any  farther  trouble  to  any  of  the  friends 
of  the  English,  they  should  forthwith  take  the  liberty 
to  set  his  head  upon  a  pole.  The  conference  ended 
with  their  requesting  him  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
expedition,  which  he  refused  to  do,:  "  Hee  was  not 
the  cause  of  it,  but  longe-Island  Indians  killed  him  a 


262  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

man  att  Connecticott."  Thus  the  affair  ended.  The 
commander  was  censured  by  the  commissioners,  for 
neglecting  a  good  opportunity  of  humbling  a  trouble- 
some enemy,  but  no  farther  strictures  ensued.  They 
contented  themselves  with  stationing  an  armed  vessel 
in  the  road  between  Neanticut  and  Long-Island,  with 
orders  to  prevent  hostile  movements  on  the  part  of 
Ninigret,  and  with  encouraging  his  Indian  adversaries 
by  promises  of  English  assistance.  The  next  year, 
Ninigret  continuing  his  attacks,  they  thought  them- 
selves under  obligation  to  furnish  it. 

From  this  time  forward,  there  is  little  of  interest  in 
the  life  either  of  Pessacus  or  Ninigret.  We  hear  of 
them  occasionally,  but  not  much  farther  than  is  suffi- 
cient to  indicate  their  existence.  Whether  they  gave 
less  reason  to  be  complained  of  than  before,  or  whether 
the  English  at  length  grew  weary  of  sending  messages 
to  them,  cannot  be  ascertained ;  but  there  is  probably 
some  truth  in  both  suppositions. 

One  of  the  last  deputations  to  Ninigret,  in  1656,  was 
occasioned  by  complaints  which  he  made  to  the  Eng- 
lish of  grievances  received  from  the  Long-Islanders. 
He  failed  to  prove  them  as  alleged,  and  the  commis- 
sioners took  that  occasion  to  remind  him  of  his  own 
duties  and  defaults,  in  their  wonted  manner.  The  les- 
son was  repeated  in  1657,  some  affrays  and  assaults 
having  meanwhile  occurred,  which  threatened  to  bring 
on  more  serious  troubles  between  the  Indian  tribes. 
The  most  remarkable  circumstance  connected  with  the 
deputation  of  this  season,  is  the  dissent  of  the  com- 
missioners of  Massachusetts,  who  frequently  had  occa- 
sion to  differ  with  their  associates  in  regard  to  inter- 
course with  the  Indians.  The  terms  of  this  opinion, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  253 

expressed  in  the  records,  are  worthy  of  notice,  as 
throwing  a  casual  light  on  the  charges  brought  against 
Ninigret. 

"  There  hatting  bine,"  say  they,  "  many  messengers 
to  this  purpose  formerly  sent  from  the  commissioners 
to  the  Indian  Sachems,  but  seldom  obserued  by  them, 
which  now  to  Renew  againe  when  many  complaints  have 
bine  made  against  Vncas  by  seuerall  Sachems  and  other 
Indians  of  his  proud  Insolent  and  prouocking  speeches 
and  Trecherous  actions,  and  with  much  probabilitie  of  truth, 
besides  his  hostile  attempts  at  Potunck  &c. — seems 
vnseasonable ;  and  can  in  Reason  have  no  other  attend- 
ance in  conclusion  than  to  Render  vs  lo  and  contemptable 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Indians,  or  engage  vs  to  vindecate  our 
honer  in  a  dangerouse  and  vnessesarie  warr  vpon 
Indian  quarrells,  the  grounds  whereof  wee  can  hardly 
euer  satisfactory^  vndcrstaod,  &c."  There  is  manifestly 
great  truth,  as  well  as  some  severity,  in  this  declara* 
tion.  We  may  hereafter  allude  again  to  what  is  said 
respecting  Vncas. 

We  now  refer  to  the  instructions  of  messengers 
sent  two  years  after  the  embassy  last  named,  merely 
to  illustrate  the  style  of  diplomacy  which  still  con- 
tinued to  be  used.  They  were  directed  "  to  Repaire  to 
Ninnigrett,  Pessicus,  Woqnocanoote,  and  the  Rest  of 
the  Narraghansett  Sachems,  and  distinctly  and  clearly 
delieur  to  them  the  following  message."  One  article 
of  complaint  runs  thus : 

'  The  commissioners  doe  require  ninety-five  fath- 
om of  wampum  ordered  by  them  to  bee  payed  the  last 
yeare  for  the  Insolencyes  committed  att  mistress 
Brewster's  feet  to  her  great  affrightment  and  stealing 
corne  £c.  and  other  affronts." 


254  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Again :  :<  The  commissioners  doe  charge  Ninni- 
grett  with  breach  of  couenant  and  high  neglect  of  theire 
order  sent  them  by  Major  Willard  six  yeares  since  not  to 
Inuade  the  longe  Hand  Indians ;  and  do  account  this  sur- 
prising the  longe-Iland  Indians  att  Gull  Hand  and 
murthering  of  them  to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  the 
English  and  a  barbarous  and  inhumaine  acte ;  there- 
fore the  commissioners  haue  provided  for  his  entertain- 
ment at  longe-Iland  if  hee  shall  dare  further  to  attempt 
vpon  them  before  hee  hath  satisfied  the  commissioners 
of  the  justnes  of  his  quarrell,  ordering  the  English 
there  to  assist  the  Indians  and  driue  him  from  thence." 
It  will  be  recollected,  that  Ninigret  had  always  dis- 
claimed the  right  of  the  English  to  interfere  in  this 
contest  with  his  neighbors,  though  he  explained  to 
them,  so  far  as  to  justify  himself  on  the  ground  of  hav- 
ing been  first  aggrieved  and  attacked  by  his  enemy. 
More  recently  he  had  chosen — probably  for  the  sake 
of  keeping  peace  with  the  English — to  make  com- 
plaint to  them ;  but  because  he  had  failed  to  prove 
them  ( —  and  no  doubt  they  were  mostly  incapable  of 
being  proved,  in  their  very  nature — )  the  commission- 
ers had  taken  no  other  notice  of  his  suit  than  to  send 
Thomas  Stanton  and  others  to  reprimand  him  at  once 
for  his  present  insolence  and  his  old  sins. 

Still,  he  was  not  utterly  discouraged,  for  he  did  not 
invariably  fail  of  having  justice  done  him.  In  1662, 
the  commissioners  being  informed  of  his  intention  to 
sell  a  certain  tract  of  land  in  his  actual  possession, 
which  was  nevertheless  claimed  by  one  Harmon  Gar- 
rett,  they  sent  to  him — not  a  message  of  threats  by 
Thomas  Stanton — but  "  a  writing  vnder  theire  hands 
sertifying  the  said  Harmon  Garrett's  claime,  which  be- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  255 

ing  made  knowne  to  Ninnigrett,  the  said  Ninnigrett 
by  his  Messengers  to  the  commissioners  att  theire 
last  meeting  att  Plymouth  made  clairne  to  the  said 
land,  and  Refered  the  Determination  therof  to  the  next 
meeting  of  the  court  att  Boston,  desireing  that  notice 
might  bee  given  to  the  said  harmon  Garrett  att  the  said 
Meeting  of  the  commissioners  to  appear. 

This  honorable  proposition  was  adopted.  Garrett 
made  his  appearance,  and  Ninigret  sent  his  attorney 
to  meet  him  at  Boston.  Garrett  stated,  that  his  father 
was  a  great  sachem,  and  was  possessed  of  the  lands  in 
controversy,  and  that  Ninigret  was  the  said  Sachem's 
younger  brother.  On  the  other  side,  Cornman  in-  be- 
half of  Ninigret,  showed  that  his  master  was  possessed 
of  said  lands  according  to  the  Indian  custom,  being 
allowed  to  be  the  chief  sachem,  and  having  married 
the  sister  of  Harmon  Garrett ;  and  that  said  Harmon 
was  not  of  the  whole  [Niantick]  blood,  because  his 
mother  was  a  stranger.  This  evidence  was  furnished 
orally  by  divers  Narraghansetts  and  Pequot  Indians, 
as  also  by  Uncas  and  others  in  writing.  The  com- 
missioners decided,  that  it  was  "  not  meet  to  prejudice 
the  title  of  Ninnigrett,  being  in  posession  by  any  acte 
of  theires,  and  that  the  writing  giuen  vnder  theire 
hand  att  New-hauen  conserning  harmon  Garrett  bee 
not  vnderstood  nor  made  vse  of  to  prejudice  Ninni- 
grett's  title  and  posession,  but  aduise  all  the  English 
to  forbeare  to  disturbe  Ninnigret." 

The  good  effect  of  this  decision  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  almost  total  silence  of  history  in  regard  to  Nini- 
gret for  the  next  twelve  or  thirteen  years,  when  we 
find  him  coming  forward,  confidently  and  amicably,  in 
a  similar  case.  The  particulars  may  be  best  gathered 


256  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

from  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  John  Easton,  (probably 
a  magistrate  living  near  the  sachem,)  to  the  Governor 
of  Plymouth  Colony.  It  runs  thus: 

"  Ninigret,  one  of  the  two  chief  sachems  of  the 
Narraghansetts  in  our  colony,  importuned  me  thus 
to  write  to  you,  that,  as  he  saith,  it  is  the  Indian 
custom  or  law,  that  when  any  sachem's  men  are  driven 
and  cast  ashore,  or  their  goods,  upon  any  other 
sachem's  jurisdiction,  or  taken  up  by  any  other 
sachem's  men,  that  the  goods  are  to  be  restored  to 
the  sachem  whose  men  they  were ;  and  this  spring, 
twelve  Indians,  at  a  time,  were  drowned  in  the  sea, 
coming  from  an  Island,  and  some  of  their  goods  drove 
up  in  your  jurisdiction  at  Dartmouth ;  and  he  desireth 
you  to  inform  those  Indians  [at  Dartmouth]  that  they 
should  restore  to  him  all  the  goods  of  those  drowned 
that  they  have  got." 

This  letter  was  written  in  March,  1675,  just  on  the 
eve  of  the  great  war  of  King  Philip.  The  friendly 
disposition  of  Ninigret  was  now  put  to  the  test.  The 
Nipmucks,  Nashaways,  Pocontocks,  the  Hadley  and 
Springfield  Indians,  the  Pokanokets  of  Philip,  the 
tribes  of  Maine,  and  still  nearer  home  the  Narraghan- 
setts, were  involved  in  the  common  controversy  of  the 
times.  But  Ninigret  remained  faithful  to  the  English ; 
and  though  he  took  no  personal  part  in  the  war,  some 
of  his  warriors  distinguished  themselves  more  than 
once  by  their  zealous  cooperation  with  their  allies. 
Ninigret  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  treaty  of  July, 
wherein  the  Narraghansetts  bound  themselves  to  re- 
main neutral ;  and  in  October,  his  counsellor,  Corn- 
man,  signed  a  confirmation  of  the  same  instrument, 
in  his  name,  (at  Boston,)  with  an  additional  agreement 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  257 

to  surrender  up  such  Pokanoket  refugees  as  might  be 
found  in  his  territories.  Several  of  the  Narraghansett 
sachems  did  the  same,  but  Ninigret,  alone,  seems 
to  have  maintarned  his  fidelity.  At  all  events,  he  alone 
had  the  credit  of  it,  and  the  consequent  benefit.  The 
Naraghansetts  were  completely  subdued,  and  their 
country  overrun  and  subjected.  The  tribe  and  terri- 
tory of  Ninigret  were  spared ;  and  several  of  their  de- 
scendants were  living  on  the  premises  so  late  as  1738, 
when  few,  if  any,  of  the  Naraghansett  blood  could  be 
found  winthin  the  limits  of  Rhode  Island. 

The  precise  time  of  the  death  of  Ninigret  is  not 
recorded.  It  is  not  probable  that  he  lived  long  after 
Philip's  war,  for  two  good  reasons.  He  is  rarely  if 
at  all  mentioned,  subsequently ;  and  he  must  have 
been  already  quite  advanced  in  age.  It  was  now  over 
forty  years  since  that  Pequot  war,  at  the  date  of  which 
he  is  mentioned  by  Prince.  Pessacus  must  have  died 
previous  to  Philip's  war.  We  do  not  find  his  name 
in  the  Colonial  Records  after  1658,  though  it  would 
certainly  have  been  among  the  signatures  to  the  treaty 
last  mentioned,  had  he  been  living  at  the  date  of  its 
execution.  The  English  regarded  him  as  the  leading 
man  of  his  tribe. 

The  three  principal  complaints  made  against  Nini- 
gret, and  the  occasion  of  the  ill-treatment  he  received 
from  the  English,  were  his  hostility  to  Uncas,  his 
intercourse  with  the  Dutch,  and  the  wars  which  he 
waged  with  the  Long  Islanders.  Respecting  the  latter, 
enough  has  already  been  said.  Enough  appears  in 
the  protest  of  the  Massachusetts  commissioners,  alone, 
to  show  that  the  English  had  but  a  poor  reason  for 
interfering  as  they  did.  They  barely  alleged  that 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 17 


258  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

these  Indians  were  their  friends;  but  nothing  more 
obvious  than  that  such  reasoning,  however  satisfac- 
tory to  themselves,  could  only  render  them,  in  the 
words  of  the  protest,  "  low  and  contemptible  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Indians." 

"  There  being  noe  agreement  produced  or  proved," 
—  said  Mr.  Bradstreet,  of  Massachusetts,  in  1653  — 
"  whereby  the  collenies  are  obliged  to  protect  the 
Long  Island  Indians  against  Ninigrett  or  others,  and 
so  noe  Reason  to  engage  them  in  theire  quarrells  the 
grounds  whereof  they  cannot  well  vnderstand :  I  there- 
fore see  not  sufficient  light  to  this  vote." 

It  is  obvious  that  even  an  '  obligation/  by  agree- 
ment, to  protect  those  Indians,  might  not  imply  a 
right  to  do  so  as  regarded  other  parties  —  but  grant- 
ing such  a  right  as  consequent  upon  sufficient  provo- 
cation, it  still  remains  to  prove  upon  which  party  lay 
the  blame  of  the  first  attack.  Ninigret  always  asserted 
that  he  acted  in  self-defence,  and  no  doubt  such 
was  his  real  opinion.  The  English  only  reprimanded 
him  upon  old  scores,  when  he  laid  his  grievances 
before  them ;  and  then  sent  an  armed  vessel  and  a 
body  of  troops  to  fight  for  his  enemies.  The  Long 
Islanders  told  a  different  story;  but  this  was  at  best 
but  one  Indian  testimony  against  another;  and  how 
much  theirs  in  particular  could  be  relied  upon,  appears 
from  the  fact,  that  within  a  year  or  two  after  this 
same  affair,  they  themselves  committed  the  most  flag- 
rant depredations  upon  the  English.  Trumbull  says, 
that  in  1657,  "  after  all  the  trouble  and  expense  which 
the  English  had  been  at  for  their  defence,  they  became 
tumultuous,  and  did  great  damage  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Southampton." 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  259 

To  conclude  this  discussion,  we  introduce  some 
passages  of  a  manuscript  letter  from  Roger  Williams 
to  the  government  of  one  of  the  colonies,  which  has 
already  been  cited.  It  bears  date  of  Oct.  5,  1654,  and 
was  written  to  prevent  war. 

"  The  Cause  and  Roote  of  all  ye  present  mischief 
is  ye  Pride  of  2  Barbarians,  Ascassassotick,  ye  Long 
Island  Sachim,  and  Nenekunat,  of  the  Narigansett. 
The  former  is  proud  and  foolish.  The  latter  is  proud 
and  fierce.  I  have  not  seene  him  these  many  years, 
yet  from  their  sober  men  I  hear 'he  pleads, 

First,  yt  Ascassassotick,  a  very  Inferior  Sachim 
(bearing  himself  upon  ye  English)  hath  slain  3  or  4 
of  his  people  and  since  y*  sent  him  challenges  and 
darings  to  fight  and  mend  himself. 

2dly.  He,  Nenekunat,  consulted  by  Solemn  mes- 
sengers with  the  chiefe  of  the  English  Governors, 
Major  Endicott  then  Govr  of  ye  Massachusetts,  who 
sent  him  an  Implicite  consent  to  right  himselfe. 

3.  After   he   had   taken   revenge   upon,   ye    Long 
Islanders  and  brought  away  about   14  Captives,  yet 
he   restored   them   all   again   upon   ye   mediation   and 
desire  of  ye  English. 

4.  After  this  peace  made,  the  Long  Islanders  pre- 
tending to  visit  Nenekunat  at  Block   Island,  slaugh- 
tered  of   his   Narigansetts   neere   30   persons   at   mid- 
night, 2  of  them  of  great  note,  especially  Wepiteam- 
mock's  sonn,  to  whom  Nenekunat  was  uncle." 

Mr.  Williams  afterwards  says ; 

"  1.  I  know  it  is  said  ye  Long  Islanders  are  sub- 
jects: But  I  have  heard  this  greatly  questioned,  and 
indeed  I  question  whether  any  Indians  in  this  Coun- 


260  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

try  remayning  Barbarous  and  Pagan,  may  with  truth 
or  honor  be  cald  ye  English  subjects. 

2.  But  graunt  them  subjects,  what  capacitie  hath 
their  late  massacre  of  ye  Narigansetts  (with  whom 
they  had  made  peace)  without  ye  English  consent, 
though  still  under  ye  English  name,  put  them  into?" 

As  to  a  league  between  Ninigret  and  '  the  Duch 
Governor/  his  own  reply  to  the  charge  has  been 
given.  It  will  furnish  some  amusement,  at  least,  to 
review  parts  of  the  evidence  upon  which  it  was 
founded.  Ninigret  and  Pessacus  sent  an  Indian  named 
Awashaw  to  the  commissioners,  in  pursuance  of  their 
agreement  to  give  what  satisfaction  they  could  in 
regard  to  this  subject;  "  whoe  being  demanded  why  Nini- 
gret went  to  the  Monhatoes  the  last  winter,  answared  that 
Ninigret  told  him  that  hee  went  thether  to  bee  cured 
of  his  disease,  hearing  there  was  a  Frenchman  there 
that  could  cure  him ;  that  Mr.  lohn  Winthorpe  knew 
of  his  going;  that  he  carried  thirty  fathom  of  wam- 
pam,  ten  whereof  he  gave  the  Doctor  and  fifteen  to 
the  governor;  and  the  governor  gave  him  in  Lieue 
thereof  sleived  coates  but  not  one  gun,  but  the  Indians 
there  gave  Ninigret  two  guns."  This  was  in  1653. 

Not  long  before,  it  seems  that  Uncas —  the  last 
man  whose  evidence  should  have  been  noticed  at  all 
—  had  called  on  Governor  Haynes  at  Hartford,  and 
informed  him  of  Ninigret's  visit  to  the  Dutch,  as  also 
that  he  had  made  a  league  with  them,  bought  up  a 
large  quantity  of  ammunition,  and  negotiated  with  the 
New  York  Indians  for  a  war  against  Uncas  and  the 
English.  Furthermore,  it  was  said  that  Ninigret  had 
sent  to  a  neighboring  Sachem,  to  procure  a  man  skil- 
ful in  poisoning,  and  had  promised  him  one  hundred 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  261 

fathoms  of  wampum  in  return.  The  wampum  was  sent 
by  a  canoe,  which  Uncas  intercepted,  with  seven  In- 
dians aboard,  one  of  whom  his  men  had  killed,  (accord- 
ing to  his  own  story,)  and  two  others  had  confessed 
Ninigret's  whole  plot  We  are  inclined  to  hold,  that 
this  testimony  should  be  received  only  so  far  as  it 
goes  against  Uncas  himself,  showing  that  he  took  the 
liberty,  on  the  strength  of  his  suspicion  alone,  to  assault 
a  canoe  belonging  to  Ninigret,  and  to  murder  one  of 
his  subjects.  When  these  accusations  were  stated  by 
the  commissioners  to  Awashaw,  the  messenger  just 
mentioned,  and  he  was  particularly  questioned  who 
and  what  was  in  the  canoe,  he  replied,  "  that  in  the 
canoe  that  was  sent  back  which  was  taken  by  Vncas 
his  men,  hee  sent  in  it  sixty  fathom  of  wampum  to 
pay  for  the  two  guns  which  he  had  of  the  Indians 
whiles  hee  was  att  the  Monhatoes,  and  the  Remainder 
of  the  Phissicke  he  had  there."  Being  asked  what 
corn  Ninigret  sent  to  the  Dutch  in  the  Vessel  taken  by 
the  English  [another  agression  it  would  seem,]  he  said, 
"  that  hee  Intended  not  to  send  any  corne  to  the  Duch 
Governor,  but  what  corne  was  aboard  the  Duch  vessel 
was  for  the  hier  of  the  vessel  that  brought  him  home." 
It  appears,  he  had  returned  by  water,  while  some  of 
his  men  had  walked:  and  he  paid  for  his  passage 
in  corn. 

Awashaw  on  this  occasion  had  an  Indian  in  com- 
pany with  him,  named  Newcom  Matuxes.  The  means 
resorted  to  for  obtaining  proof  of  the  accusation, 
are  farther  illustrated  by  the  information  gravely  given 
us  in  Records,  that  this  fellow  "  spake  with  one  lohn 
lightfoot  of  Boston,  an  Englishman,  whoe  as  Light- 
foot  saith,  told  him  in  Duch  that  the  Duchmen  would 


262  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

cutt  off  the  English  on  Long-island.  Newcom  also 
confesseth  that  Ninnigrett  said  that  hee  heard  that 
some  shipps  were  to  come  from  holland  to  the  Mon- 
hatoes  to  cutt  off  the  English ;  and  that  when  the  said 
Newcom  lived  att  Southhold  an  Indian  tould  him  that 
the  Duch  would  come  against  the  English  and  cutt 
them  of,  but  they  would  saue  the  weemen  and  chil- 
dren and  guns  for  themselves.  But  Captaine  Simkins 
and  the  said  Light  foot  doe  both  affeirme  that  the  said  New- 
come  tould  them  that  the  Duch  men  tould  him  as  before,  tho' 
he  now  puts  it  of  and  saith  that  an  Indian  told  him. 
Further  hee  the  said  Newcome  tould  captaine  Sim- 
kins  (as  hee  confidently  afeirmeth)  that  if  he  would 
goe  to  serue  the  Duch  the  Duch  would  giue  him  an 
hundred  pounds  a  yeare."  It  matters  but  little,  we 
conceive,  whether  Captain  Simkins  recollected  cor- 
rectly or  not,  his  reminiscences  amounting  to  nothing 
in  any  case.  Ninigret  had  himself  expounded  the 
transaction,  much  more  completely  than  all  these  wit- 
nesses together. 

But  the  examination  was  still  pursued,  "  Thomas 
Stanton  [Interpreter]  being  there  also  to  charge  it 
vpon  him.  The  said  Newcome  not  being  able  to 
cleare  himselfe  from  the  guilt  of  the  charge,  the  com- 
missioners then  tould  Awashaw  that  had  the  said  New- 
com not  bine  a  Messenger  sent  by  Ninnigrett  hee 
should  not  have  escaped  without  some  punishment,  and 
therefore  they  willed  Awashaw  to  tell  Ninnigrett  hee 
would  doe  well  to  send  the  said  Newcom  againe  to 
vs,  the  better  to  cleare  himselfe  from  all  suspition"  This 
manoeuvre  has  a  little  too  much  the  air  of  a  pretext 
for  getting  a  farther  opportunity  to  cross-examine  and 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  263 

confuse  poor  Newcom ;  he  had  thus  far  been  able  to 
make  out  a  respectably  clear  statement. 

Before  leaving  town,  Awashaw  sent  a  request  to 
the  commissioners  for  another  interview ;  which  being 
granted,  he  inquired  who  had  informed  them  of  these 
matters  against  Ninigret.  They  mentioned  in  reply 
"  severall  Indians,  and  more  particularly  the  Monheage 
Indian  and  the  Narraghansctt  taken  by  Vncas  his  men" 
Awashaw  then  requested  restitution  of  the  wampum 
taken  by  these  men.  The  commissioners  only  said, 
that  they  had  not  yet  ascertained  the  truth  of  that 
affair;  but  when  they  had  thought  of  it  more,  he  should 
know  their  decision. 

The  following  amusing  document  is  a  fair  speci- 
men of  the  testimony  furnished  against  Ninigret  by 
other  Indians.  It  is  the  desposition  —  taken  in  May, 
1653  —  of  one  Adam,  of  whom  nothing  farther  is 
known.  After  mentioning  what  the  Dutch  Governor 
had  done  among  the  Indians,  which  is  not  to  our 
purpose, 

"  Further  hee  saith  that  Ninnegret  the  Fiscall 
[Treasurer]  and  the  Duch  Governor  were  vp  two 
daies  in  a  close  Roome  with  other  Sagamores;  and 
there  was  noe  speaking  with  any  of  them  except  when 
they  came  for  a  cole  of  fier  or  the  like  and  much 
sewam  [wampum]  was  seen  at  that  time  in  Ninne- 
gret's  hand  and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ;  further 
hee  saith  that  Ronessocke  a  Sagamore  on  longe  Island 
tould  the  said  Addam  that  the  Duch  Governor  bid 
him  fly  for  his  life;  for  that  the  plott  was  now  dis- 
covered :  and  besides  hee  sends  word  dayly  that  they 
had  as  good  appear  now  for  when  hee  is  cutt  of  the 
English  will  cutt  them  all  of. 


264  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

This  was  testifyed  aboard  Tuson  near  the  white 
stone  before  JOHN  LEVERETT 

WILLIAM  DAVIS." 

Other  evidence,  considerably  relied  upon,  was  an 
Indian  squaw's  relation  to  a  person  in  Wethersfield, 
(Conn.) — being  an  assertion,  in  general  terms,  that 
the  Dutch  and  the  Indians  were  leagued  against  the 
English.  In  fine,  the  commissioners  say,  "  wee  heare 
that  some  of  the  Duch  att  or  about  the  Monhatoes 
tell  the  English  they  shall  shortly  have  an  East  India 
breakfast,  in  which  it  is  conceived  they  Refer  to  that 
horrid  Treachervs  and  crewill  plott  and  execution  att 
Amboina.  *  *  *  And  not  to  multiply  Indian  Testi- 
monies which  from  all  parts  of  the  eountrey  presse 
vpon  the  colonies — [we  quote  the  only  definite  state- 
ment we  can  find] — nine  Indian  Sagamores  whoe  Hue 
about  the  Monhatoes  did  voullentarily  without  any 
Motion  or  Reward  from  the  English  send  theire  Mes- 
sengers to  Stanford  declaring  and  afeirming  that  the 
Duch  had  solissited  them  by  promising  them  guns 
pouder  swords  weapons  war-coates  and  coates  to  cutt 
of  the  English  "  &c.  It  is  of  no  consequence,  so  far 
as  regards  Ninigret,  whether  these  Sagamores  con- 
spired to  tell  a  falsehood  or  to  tell  the  truth.  Nor  do 
we  intend  to  enter  at  length  into  this  ancient  contro- 
versy between  the  colonies  and  the  Dutch.  It  is  suf- 
ficient to  observe,  that  the  charges  of  the  former  were 
officially  and  distinctly  denied  by  the  latter.  Governor 
Stuyvesant,  in  a  letter  to  the  commissioners  dated 
May  26,  1658,  and  written  by  the  order  of  the  Counsel 
of  New-Netherlands,  says  — 

"  As  touching  what  happened  in  the  Ambyna  busi- 
ness in  the  East  Indies  is  unknown  vnto  vs,  neither 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  265 

hath  there  been  any  of  vs  there,  therefore  wee  sease 
to  answare  to  the  same  or  trouble  yourselues  or  vs 
therein. 

It  is  in  parte  as  youer  Worships  conclude  that 
about  January  there  came  a  strange  Indian  from  the 
North  called  Ninnigrett,  Commaunder  of  the  Narra- 
ghansetts.  But  hee  came  hither  with  a  passe  from 
Mr.  John  Winthrope  vpon  which  passe  as  wee  remember 
the  occasion  of  his  coming  was  expressed  viz :  to  be 
cured  and  healed/'  &c.  On  the  whole,  the  reader  of 
our  times,  on  perusing  these  records,  can  hardly  go 
farther  with  the  commissioners  than  to  extenuate  their 
harshness  towards  Ninigret,  like  their  treatment  of 
Miantonomo,  on  the  score  of  their  exaggerated  fears. 

Upon  the  quarrel  with  Uncas,  we  shall  waste  no 
words.  Ninigret  and  Pessacus  no  doubt  considered 
the  circumstances  of  Miantonomo's  case  a  sufficient 
cause  for  war  upon  the  English.  But  this  they  waived ; 
and  even  engaged,  at  their  instance,  to  forbear  hostili- 
ties against  Uncas  for  some  months,  expressing  at  the 
same  time  a  strong  desire  to  be  upon  friendly  terms 
with  the  English,  if  they  could  be  left  to  pursue  their 
own  business  in  their  own  way.  It  is  neither  neces- 
sary nor  possible  to  determine  upon  which  side  the 
provocation  began  between  these  sachems  and  Uncas. 
It  has  been  seen,  that  the  latter  took  many  liberties  for 
which  the  English  never  called  him  to  account,  as  well 
as  some  for  which  they  did ;  but  of  still  more  they  must 
necessarily  have  remained  in  ignorance.  The  truth 
seems  to  be  most  plainly  set  forth  by  Hutchinson, 
who  says,  it  would  appear  to  have  been  good  policy 
not  to  interpose  in  this  Indian  quarrel]  but  the  English 
were  afraid  of  the  success  of  the  Narraghansetts,  and  as 


266  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

they  had  generally  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Mohe- 
gans,  it  was  feared,  that  as  soon  as  they  were  subdued 
if  not  in  the  course  of  the  war,  the  Narraghansette 
and  their  allies  would  fall  upon  the  plantations  of  the 
English,  against  whom  they  were  then  in  a  peculiar 
manner  enraged  for  the  death  of  Miantonomo.  The 
same  historian  acknowledges,  that  it  was  with  great 
reluctance  the  Narraghansetts  submitted  to  the  hard 
terms  of  the  treaty  of  1645,  and  only  in  consequence 
of  the  armed  force  which  had  already  invaded  their 
country.  They  must  have  considered  the  tribute  a 
most  insulting  forcible  imposition. 

Waiving  a  statement  of  the  charges  which  Nini- 
gret  made,  or  might  have  made,  on  the  other  hand, 
against  the  English,  we  shall  only  observe  in  con- 
clusion, there  are  points  in  his  personal  character  not 
unworthy  of  esteem  and  even  admiration.  It  was 
noble  in  him,  according  to  the  principles  of  a  warrior 
and  king,  to  revenge,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  the  cool- 
blooded  massacre  of  his  relative  and  predecessor. 
That  purpose  he  pursued  with  undaunted  courage 
and  indefatigable  energy.  He  would  gladly  have 
avoided  a  contest  with  the  English ;  but  he  would 
not  sacrifice  his  honor  either  to  his  friendship  or  his 
interest.  The  spirit  with  which  he  repulsed  their 
attempts  to  interfere  in  his  contest  with  the  Long- 
Islanders,  indicated  a  soul  of  the  same  stamp.  His 
reasoning  upon  that  occasion  —  assuming  the  truth 
of  his  premises,  which  we  have  no  means  either  of 
proving  or  falsifying  —  appears  to  us  wholly  unan- 
swerable. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Pequot  tribe. — Their  first  chief-sachem  known  of  the  English,  Pekoath. 
— Succeeded  by  Sassacus. — An  embassy  sent  to  Boston  in  1631. — Resi- 
dence and  strong-hold  of  Sassacus. — His  earliest  intercourse  with  the 
English. — Murder  of  Captain  Stone. — Justification  of  it  by  Sassacus. — 
He  proposes  a  treaty  of  peace  in  1634. — Sends  deputies  to  Boston 
twice. — Treaty  concluded. — Anecdotes. — His  wars  with  the  Narraghan- 
setts. — Fresh  controversy  with  the  English. — They  send  an  armed  party 
to  demand  damages. — Conduct  of  the  party,  and  consequences  of  it. — 
War  with  the  Pequots  in  1636. — Political  movements  of  Sassacus. — 
English  expedition  against  him  in  1637. — He  is  defeated. — Driven  from 
his  country. — Killed  by  the  Mohawks. — The  English  policy  in  his 
case  briefly  considered. 

THE  Pequots,  or  Pequods,  inhabited  that  part  of 
the  southern  coast  of  New  England,  which 
is  now  comprehended  within  the  limits  of 
Connecticut.  They  are  said  to  have  been  originally 
an  inland  tribe,  and  to  have  gained  possession  by  mere 
force  of  arms  of  the  fine  territory  which  they  occupied 
at  the  date  of  their  first  acquaintance  with  the  English. 
They  wrere  in  the  meridian  of  their  glory  and  power 
about  forty  years  previous  to  that  period,  and  were 
then  the  most  considerable  tribe  in  New  England, 
mustering  as  many  as  four  thousand  bowmen.  Their 
principal  settlements  were  now  about  New  London 
^and  Groton ;  the  former  of  which  was  their  chief  har- 
bor, and  called  by  their  own  name.  The  Nipmuck 

(267) 


268  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Indians,  on  their  north,  were  still  tributary  to  them. 
So  also  were  a  part  of  the  Long  Islanders,  and  most 
of  the  Indians  on  the  Connecticut  river.  The  Narra- 
ghansetts  alone  of  the  neighboring  tribes  had  been  able 
to  oppose  them  with  success,  and  against  that  nation 
they  waged  an  implacable  and  almost  perpetual  war. 

The  first  great  sachem  of  the  Pequots  known  to 
the  English  was  Pekoath,  from  whom  they  probably 
derived  the  national  name.  He  appears  to  have  been 
a  great  warrior.  He  was  going  on  conquering  and  to 
conquer,  when  the  earliest  settlements  of  the  English 
were  made  upon  the  Massachusetts  coast.  Tribe  after 
tribe  retreated  before  him  as  he  advanced,  till  his  terri- 
ble myrmidons  were  at  length  in  a  situation  to  locate 
themselves  at  their  ease  on  the  best  soil,  and  beneath 
the  most  genial  skies,  of  New  England. 

As  early  as  1631,  Waghinacut,  a  sachem  of  one  of 
the  expelled  or  subjected  tribes  just  mentioned,  trav- 
elled across  the  wilderness  to  Boston ;  and  attended 
by  a  Massachusetts  Sagamore,  and  one  Jack  Straw 
(an  Indian  who  had  formerly  lived  with  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  in  England.)  made  application  for  the  alli- 
ance or  assistance  of  the  Massachusetts  government 
against  Pekoath.  He  gave  a  glowing  description  of 
his  native  land ;  and  promised,  if  some  of  the  English 
would  go  there  and  settle,  that  he  would  supply  them 
with  corn,  and  pay  them  eighty  beaver-skins  yearly. 
This  proposition  being  rejected,  he  desired  that  at 
least  two  men  might  be  permitted  to  accompany  him, 
with  the  view  of  examining  the  country.  He  showed 
great  anxiety  to  effect  that  object,  but  to  no  purpose; 
the  governor  suspected  some  stratagem,  and  politely 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  269 

dismissed  his  visiter  with  the  compliment  of  a  good 
dinner  at  his  own  table. 

The  successor  of  Pekoath,  and  the  last  as  well  as 
first  great  sachem  of  his  tribe  known  personally  to 
the  whites,  was  Sassacus,  a  warrior  of  high  renown, 
who,  when  the  English  commenced  their  settlements 
in  Connecticut,  soon  after  the  transaction  last  men- 
tioned, had  no  fewer  than  twenty-six  sachems  or  war- 
captains  under  his  dominion,  and  could  at  that  time 
muster,  at  the  smallest  calculation,  seven  hundred  bow- 
men. The  site  of  his  principal  fortress  and  residence, 
was  on  a  most  beautiful  eminence  in  the  town  of  Gro- 
ton,  commanding  one  of  the  best  prospects  of  the 
Sound  and  the  adjacent  country  which  can  be  found 
upon  the  coast.  Another  strong-hold  was  a  little  far- 
ther eastward,  near  Mystic  river;  and  this  also  was 
finely  situated  upon  a  verdant  swell  of  land,  gradually 
descending  towards  the  south  and  southeast. 

Sassacus,  and  his  warlike  Pequots.  are  almost  the 
only  American  chieftain  and  tribe  who,  in  the  light  of 
history,  seem  to  have  been  from  the  outset  disposed 
to  inveterate  hostility  against  all  foreigners.  They 
were,  as  Trumbull  observes,  men  of  great  and  inde- 
pendent spirits ;  and  had  conquered  and  governed  the 
nations  Ground  them  without  control.  They  viewed 
the  English  especially,  as  not  only  strangers  but  mere 
intruders,  without  right  or  pretence  of  right  to  the 
country,  who  had  nevertheless  taken  the  liberty  to 
make  settlements  and  build  forts  in  their  very  neigh- 
borhood, without  asking  their  consent — and  even  to 
restore  the  Indian  kings  whom  they  had  subjected,  to 
their  former  lands  and  authority.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, it  is  no  matter  of  wonder,  that  the  whites  had 


270  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

scarcely  located  themselves  within  the  bounds  of  Con- 
necticut, when  "  that  great,  spirited  and  warlike  na- 
tion, the  Pequots,  began  to  murder  and  plunder  them, 
and  to  wound  and  kill  their  cattle." 

And  yet — setting  aside  the  general  offence  com- 
mitted, or  at  least  by  Sassacus  understood  to  be  com- 
mitted, in  the  act  of  making  settlements  without  leave 
— it  does  not  clearly  appear  whether  the  first  particu- 
lar provocation  was  given  on  the  one  side  or  the  other. 
It  is  only  known,  that  in  the  summer  of  1633,  one  Cap- 
tain Stone,  on  a  voyage  from  Maine  to  Virginia,  put 
into  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  river,  and  was  there 
murdered  by  the  natives,  with  all  his  crew.  Three  of 
them,  who  went  ashore  to  kill  fowl,  were  first  sur- 
prised and  despatched.  A  sachem,  with  some  of  his 
men,  then  came  aboard,  and  staid  with  Captain  Stone 
in  his  cabin  until  the  latter  fell  asleep.  The  sachem 
then  knocked  him  on  the  head ;  and  his  crew  being  at 
this  time  in  the  cook's  room,  the  Indians  took  such 
guns  as  tiiey  found  charged,  and  fell  upon  them.  At 
this  moment,  all  the  powder  on  board  the  vessel,  in 
the  hurry  of  sudden  alarm,  was  accidently  exploded. 
The  deck  was  blown  up;  but  most  of  the  Indians 
escaping,  returned,  completed  the  massacre,  and  burned 
the  wreck. 

Such  was  the  English  account  of  the  proceeding. 
The  Pequots  had  a  different  story  to  tell.  In  October 
1634,  Sassacus  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  to  desire  friendship  and  alliance.  This 
man  brought  two  bundles  of  sticks  with  him,  by  which 
he  signified  how  many  beaver  and  otter  skins  his 
master  would  give,  besides  a  large  quantity  of  wam- 
pum. He  brought  also  a  small  present.  The  Governor 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  271 

received  it,  and  returned  a  moose  coat  of  the  same 
value ;  but  sent  word  to  Sassacus  withal,  that  a  treaty 
could  not  be  negotiated,  unless  he  would  send  men 
proper  to  negotiate,  and  enough  of  them. 

Accordingly,  but  a  fortnight  afterwards,  (though 
the  distance  to  the  Pequot  country  was  a  five-days' 
journey,)  two  more  messengers  arrived  at  Boston, 
bringing  another  present  of  wampum.  They  were 
told,  in  answer  to  their  renewed  application,  that  the 
English  would  willingly  come  to  amicable  terms  with 
Sassacus,  but  that  his  men  having  murdered  Captain 
Stone,  he  must  first  surrender  up  the  offenders  to 
justice.  The  messengers  readily  replied,  that  the 
sachem  concerned  in  that  transaction  had  since  been 
killed  by  the  Dutch;  and  that  all  the  other  offenders 
had  died  of  the  small  pox,  excepting  two.  These, 
they  presumed  Sassacus  would  surrender,  if  the  guilt 
were  proved  upon  them.  They  asserted,  that  Captain 
Stone,  after  entering  their  river,  had  taken  two  of 
their  men,  and  detained  them  by  force,  and  made  them 
pilot  the  vessel  up  the  river.  The  captain  and  two  of 
his  crew  then  landed,  taking  the  guides  on  shore,  with 
their  hands  still  bound  behind  them.  The  natives 
there  fell  upon  and  killed  them.  The  vessel,  with  the 
remainder  of  the  crew  on  board,  was  blown  up  —  they 
knew  not  how  or  wherefore. 

This  —  in  the  words  of  the  journalist  who  gives  the 
particulars  —  was  related  with  so  much  confidence  and 
gravity,  that  the  English  were  inclined  to  believe  it, 
especially  as  they  had  no  means  of  proving  its  falsity. 
A  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  following  terms. 

1.  The  English  to  have  as  much  land  in  Connecti- 
cut as  they  needed,  provided  they  would  make  a  settle- 


272  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

ment  there:  and  the  Pequots  to  render  them  all  the 
assistance  they  could. 

2.  The  Pequots  to  give  the  English  four  hundred 
fathoms  of  wampum,  and  forty  beaver  and  thirty  otter 
skins ;  and  to  surrender  the  two  murderers  whenever 
they  should  be  sent  for. 

3.  The  English  were  to  send  a  vessel  immediately, 
"  to  trade  with  them  as   friends,   tho'  not  to  defend 
them,"   and   the   Pequots   would   give   them   all   their 
'  custom/ 

The  agreement  was  put  in  writing,  and  subscribed 
by  the  twro  messengers  with  their  marks.  The  chief 
object  proposed  by  Sassacus  in  effecting  it,  appears 
to  have  been,  not  the  assistance  of  the  English  in  his 
wars,  but  their  commerce  in  peace.  He  thought  him- 
self competent  to  fight  his  own  battles ;  and  perhaps 
would  have  made  no  attempt  to  conciliate  even  the 
English,  but  for  having  quarrelled  with  the  Dutch  of 
New  York,  who  had  hitherto  supplied  him,  and  there- 
by lost  their  trade  as  well  as  incurred  their  hostility. 

Meanwhile,  he  was  at  deadly  war,  as  usual,  with 
the  Narraghansetts.  The  very  next  morning  after 
the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  while  the  messengers 
still  tarried  in  Boston,  news  came,  that  a  party  of  two 
or  three  hundred  of  the  tribe  last  named  had  come  as 
far  as  Neponsett,  (the  boundary  between  Milton  and 
Dorchester)  for  the  purpose  of  laying  wait  and  killing 
the  Pequots  on  their  way  home.  The  English  im- 
mediately despatched  a  small  armed  force,  to  request 
a  visit  from  the  Narraghansetts ;  and  two  sachems, 
with  about  twenty  of  their  men,  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons. They  said  they  had  been  hunting  round-about 
the  country,  and  came  to  visit  the  Indians  at  Nepon- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  273 

sett,  according  to  old  custom.  However  this  might 
be,  they  showed  themselves  quite  ready  to  gratify 
the  English  in  their  request;  and  the  Pequpts  were 
permitted  to  return  home  unmolested. 

A  passage  in  the  journal  of  Winthrop,  relating  to 
this  occasion,  illustrates  the  spirit  of  Sassacus  and 
his  subjects.  The  Narraghansetts  were  privately  told 
by  the  Governor,  that  if  they  should  happen  to  make 
peace  with  the  Pequots,  they  should  receive  a  goodly 
proportion  of  the  wampum  just  sent. — "  For  the 
Pequots  held  it  dishonorable  to  offer  them  any  thing 
as  of  themselves,  yet  were  willing  we  would  give  it 
them,  and  indeed  did  offer  us  so  much  to  that  end/' 

Thus  matters  remained  until  1636.  During  that 
season  one  Oldham,  an  Englishman  who  had  been 
trading  in  Connecticut,  was  murdered  by  a  party  of 
Block-Island  Indians ;  several  of  whom  are  said  to 
have  taken  refuge  among  the  Pequots,  and  to  have 
been  protected  by  them.  On  the  strength  of  this 
fact  and  this  supposition,  the  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts—  Mr.  Oldham  being  a  Dorchester  resident  — 
despatched  a  force  of  ninety  men,  under  Captain 
Endecott,  commissioned  (as  Mr.  Winthrop  tells  us,) 
to  put  to  death  the  men  of  Block-Island,  but  to  spare 
the  women  and  children,  and  bring  them  away,  and 
take  possession  of  the  Island.  Thence  they  were  to 
go  to  the  Pequots,  "  to  demand  the  murderers  of 
Captain  Stone  and  other  English,  and  one  thousand 
fathom  of  wampum  for  damages  &c.  and  some  of  their 
children  as  hostages,  which  if  they  should  refuse,  they 
were  to  obtain  it  by  force. 

The  proceedings  which  ensued  upon  the  attempt 
to  execute  these  orders  ought  not  to  be  overlooked. 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 18 


274  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

From  Block-Island,  the  English  sailed  to  Pequot 
harbor.  Here  an  Indian  came  out  to  them  in  a  canoe, 
and  demanded  who  they  were,  and  what  they  would 
have  in  the  country  of  the  Pequots.  Endecott  replied, 
that  he  came  from  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
to  speak  with  the  Pequot  sachems.  The  Indian 
answering  that  Sassacus  was  gone  to  Long-Island, 
he  was  directed  to  communicate  Endecott's  message 
to  another  sachem.  He  returned  to  the  shore,  and 
the  English  meanwhile  made  a  landing.  The  mes- 
senger came  back,  and  the  Indians  began  to  gather 
about  the  English.  Several  hours  passed  in  desultory 
conference,  until  Endecott,  growing  impatient,  an- 
nounced his  commission  to  the  crowd  which  sur- 
rounded him,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  word  to  the 
sachem,  that  unless  he  would  come  to  him  or  satisfy 
his  demands,  he  should  try  forcible  measures.  The 
messenger,  who  had  been  several  times  running  to 
and  fro  between  the  parties,  said  that  the  sachem 
would  come  forward  if  the  English  would  lay  down 
their  arms,  the  Indians  also  leaving  their  bows  and 
arrows  at  a  distance. 

Endecott  wras  incensed  by  the  proposal,  consider- 
ing it  a  pretext  for  gaining  time.  He  therefore  bade 
the  Pequots  be  gone,  and  take  care  of  themselves ; 
they  had  dared  the  English  to  come  and  fight  with 
them,  he  said,  and  now  he  was  ready  for  the  battle. 
The  Pequots  withdrew  peaceably  to  a  distance.  When 
they  were  beyond  musket  shot,  "  he  marched  after 
them,  supposing  they  would  have  stood  it  awhile,  as 
they  did  to  the  Dutch," — but  they  all  fled,  letting 
fly  a  few  arrows  among  the  English,  which  did  no 
damage.  Two  of  their  own  number  were  killed  and 
several  more  wounded ;  and  the  English  then  marched 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  275 

up  to  their  village,  and  burned  all  their  wigwams  and 
mats.  At  night,  concludes  the  historian,  they  returned 
to  their  vessels ;  and  the  next  day  they  went  ashore 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  burnt  all  their  wig- 
wams and  spoiled  their  canoes  in  that  quarter ;  and 
so  set  sail  and  came  to  the  Narraghansett  country. 
There  they  landed  their  men,  "  and  on  the  14th  of  ?ber 
they  came  all  safe  to  Boston,  which  was  a  marvellous 
providence  of  God,  that  not  a  hair  fell  from  the  head 
of  any  of  them,  nor  any  sick  nor  feeble  person  among 
them." 

The  sequel  of  the  tragedy  must  be  gathered  from 
other  authorities.  A  detachment  of  Endecott's  party 
was  appointed  to  reinforce  the  English  garrison  at 
Saybrook.  Lying  wind-bound  off  Pequot  harbor, 
after  his  departure,  a  part  of  these  men  went  on  shore 
to  plunder  the  Pequots,  and  bring  off  their  corn. 
Their  ravages  were  interrupted  by  an  attack  from  these 
Indians.  The  skirmish  lasted  till  near  evening,  and 
then  both  parties  retired,  the  English  with  one  man 
wounded,  and  the  Pequots  with  a  loss  unknown.  We 
have  given  the  particulars  of  this  transaction  (accord- 
ing to  the  English  version  of  course)  because  it  throws 
light  upon  the  subsequent  relations  between  Sassacus 
and  the  English. 

Whatever  was  the  disposition  of  the  Pequots  pre- 
vious to  this  date,  there  is  no  question  about  them 
ever  afterwards.  They  determined  to  extirpate  the 
whites  from  the  limits  of  Connecticut ;  and  to  that 
great  object  Sassacus  now  devoted  the  whole  force 
of  his  dominions  and  the  entire  energies  of  his  soul. 
The  forts  and  settlements  were  assaulted  in  every 
direction.  In  October,  five  of  the  Saybrook  garrison 


276  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

were  surprised,  as  they  were  carrying  home  their  hay. 
A  week  afterwards,  the  master  of  a  small  English 
vessel  was  taken  and  tortured;  and  several  others 
within  the  same  month.  The  garrison  just  mentioned 
were  so  pressed  before  winter,  (1636  —  7)  that  they 
were  obliged  to  keep  almost  wholly  within  reach  of 
their  guns.  Their  out-houses  were  razed,  and  their 
stacks  of  hay  burned ;  and  so  many  of  the  cattle  as 
were  not  killed,  often  came  in  at  night  with  the  arrows 
of  the  enemy  sticking  in  them.  In  March,  they  killed 
four  of  the  garrison,  and  at  the  same  time  surround- 
ing the  fort  on  all  sides,  challenged  the  English  to 
come  out  and  fight,  mocked  them  with  the  groans 
and  prayers  of  their  dying  friends  whom  they  had 
captured,  and  boasted  they  could  kill  Englishmen  "  all 
one  flies."  Nothing  but  a  cannon  loaded  with  grape- 
shot,  could  keep  them  from  beating  the  very  gates 
down  with  their  clubs. 

Three  persons  were  next  killed  on  Connecticut 
river,  and  nine  at  Wethersfield.  No  boat  could  now 
pass  up  or  down  the  river  with  safety.  The  roads 
and  fields  were  everywhere  beset.  The  settlers  could 
neither  hunt,  fish,  nor  cultivate  the  land,  nor  travel 
at  home  or  abroad,  but  at  the  peril  of  life.  A  constant 
watch  was  kept  night  and  day.  People  went  armed 
to  their  daily  labors,  and  to  public  worship ;  and  the 
church  was  guarded  during  divine  service.  Probably 
no  portion  of  the  first  colonists  of  New  England  ever 
suffered  so  horribly  from  an  Indian  warfare,  as  the 
Connecticut  settlers  at  this  gloomy  and  fearful  period. 

Nor  was  the  employment  of  his  own  subjects  the 
only  measure  adopted  by  Sassacus  against  his  civil- 
ized enemy.  He  knew  them  too  well  to  despise,  how- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  277 

ever  much  he  detested  them.  He  saw  there  was  need 
of  all  the  ingenuity  of  the  politician,  as  well  as  the 
prowess  of  the  warrior,  to  be  exercised  upon  his 
part;  and  he  therefore  entered  upon  a  trial  of  the  arts 
of  diplomacy  with  the  same  cunning  and  courage 
which  were  the  confidence  of  his  followers  in  the  field 
of  battle.  The  proposal  of  alliance  offensive  and  de- 
fensive which  he  made  to  his  ancient  rival  and  foe,  the 
chief  sachem  of  the  Narraghansetts,  was  a  conception 
worthy  of  a  great  and  noble  soul.  And  such  was  the 
profound  skill  with  which  he  supported  the  reason- 
ableness of  that  policy,  that,  (as  we  have  heretofore 
seen,)  Miantonomo  himself  wavered  in  his  high- 
minded  fidelity  to  the  English  cause.  But  for  the  pres- 
ence and  influence  of  Roger  Williams,  the  consum- 
mate address  of  the  Pequot  would  have  carried  his 
point. 

The  measures  taken  by  the  other  colonies,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  state  of  things  we  have  been  describing, 
and  the  minutiae  of  the  famous  expedition  of  Mason, 
are  too  well  known  to  be  repeated  at  length.  The 
contest  was  not  long  continued,  but  it  required  the 
most  serious  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  English;  and 
not  only  did  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  feel  them- 
selves under  the  necessity  of  aiding  Connecticut  in  the 
suppression  of  this  common  and  terrible  foe,  but  many 
of  the  Narraghansetts  also  were  called  on  to  aid,  with 
the  Nianticks,  the  Mohegans  and  other  tribes  upon 
the  river. 

Sassacus  must  have  felt,  that  the  day  of  restitution 
and  reparation  was  indeed  come  upon  him  for  all  his 
ancient  victories  and  spoils.  Every  people  in  his 
neighborhood  who  had  suffered,  or  expected  to  suf- 


378  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

fer,  from  his  pride  or  his  power,  now  gladly  witnessed 
the  onset  of  a  new  enemy  against  him;  and  large 
numbers  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  do 
personal  service.  Not  less  than  five  hundred  Indians 
of  various  tribes  accompanied  Mason  in  his  march 
against  the  great  Pequot  fortress.  Not  a  few  of  them, 
without  doubt,  remembered  old  times  as  well  as  Mian- 
tonomo  himself,  though  they  acted  very  differently 
in  consequence. 

These  gallant  allies  were  so  eager  to  go  against 
the  Pequots,  that  nothing  but  the  van  of  the  army 
could  satisfy  them  for  their  own  station.  "  We  hope/' 
said  they,  ( —  or  something,  no  doubt,  to  that  pur- 
pose — ) 

These  formidable  veterans  had  gone  but  a  few 
miles,  when  every  man  of  them  fell  into  the  rear,  and 
that  unluckily  to  such  a  distance  that  not  one  could 
be  found.  They  were  in  the  enemy's  country,  and 
the  truth  was,  they 

"  We  hope  it  will  offend  not  you  nor  yours 
The  chiefest  post  of  honor  should  be  ours.  " 

Upon  which 

'  Mason   harangues    them   with   high   compliments 
And  to  confirm  them  he  to  them  consents. 
Hold  on,  bold  men,  says  he,  as  you've  began  ; 
I'm  free  and  easy;  you  shall  take  the  van." 

But,  — ("as  we  always  by  experience  find, 

Frost-bitten  leaves  will  not  abide  the  wind")  — 

— "  Had  so  often,  to  their  harm, 
Felt  the  great  power  of  Sassacus's  arm. 
That  now  again  just  to  endure  the  same, 
The  dreadful  sound  of  great  Sassacus's  name, 
Seemed  every  moment  to  attack  their  ears, 
And  fill'd  them  with  such  heart-amazing  fears, 
That  suddenly  they  run  and  seek  to  hide. 
Swifter  than  leaves  in  the  autumnal  tide." 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  279 

This  was  in  the  evening.  As  the  English  ap- 
proached the  fortress  about  day-light,  they  halted  at 
the  foot  of  a  large  hill,  and  Mason  sent  word  for  his 
allies  "  to  come  up."  After  a  long  time,  Uncas  and 
Wequash  alone  made  their  appearance.  "  Where  is 
the  fort?"  inquired  Mason.  "On  the  top  of  that 
hill,"  answered  they.  "  And  where  are  the  rest  of 
the  Indians?" — Uncas  said,  "they  are  behind,  ex- 
ceedingly afraid;"  and  the  most  that  Mason  could  in- 
duce them  to  do,  was  to  form  a  semi-circle  at  a  particu- 
larly respectful  distance,  for  the  purpose  of  witness- 
ing the  attack  of  the  English  upon  the  enemy's  fort, 
and  waylaying  such  of  the  Pequots  as  might  escape 
their  hands. 

The  resistance  was  manly  and  desperate,  but  the 
whole  work  of  destruction  was  completed  in  little 
more  than  an  hour.  The  extent  and  violence  of  the 
conflagration  kindled  by  the  assailants,  the  reflection 
of  this  pyramid  of  flames  upon  the  forest  around,  the 
flashing  and  roar  of  arms,  the  shrieks  and  yellings  of 
men,  women  and  children  within,  and  the  shouts  of 
the  allies  without,  exhibited  one  of  the  most  awful 
scenes  which  the  pens  of  the  early  historians  have 
described.  Seventy  wigwams  were  burnt,  and  five  or 
six  hundred  Pequots  killed.  Parent  and  child  alike, 
the  sanop  and  squaw,  the  grayhaired  man  and  the 
babe  were  buried  in  one  promiscuous  ruin. 

It  had  been  Mason's  intention  to  fall  upon  both 
the  principal  forts  of  the  enemy  at  once;  and  finding 
it  impossible,  he  says,  "  we  were  much  grieved,  chiefly 
because  the  greatest  and  bloodiest  sachem  there  re- 
sided, whose  name  was  Sassacus."  The  execution  of 
this  design  would  have  saved  him  much  subsequent 


280  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

loss  and  labor.  That  great  warrior  was  so  little  dis- 
couraged by  the  horrible  havoc  already  made  among 
his  subjects,  that  immediately  on  receiving  the  intelli- 
gence he  despatched,  perhaps  led  on  in  person,  a  re- 
inforcement of  three  hundred  warriors,  who  pursued 
the  English  very  closely  for  a  distance  of  six  miles,  on 
their  march  towards  Pequot  harbor. 

But  the  reception  which  this  body  met  with  from 
the  English  drove  them  to  desperation.  The  whole 
remaining  force  of  the  nation  repaired  to  the  strong- 
hold of  Sassacus,  and  vented  all  their  complaints  and 
grievances  upon  his  head.  In  their  fury  they  even 
threatened  to  destroy  him  and  his  family :  and  perhaps 
nothing  but  the  entreaties  of  his  chief  counsellors, 
who  still  adhered  to  him  in  his  misfortunes,  prevented 
his  being  massacred  by  his  own  subjects  in  his  own 
fort.  A  large  number  deserted  him,  as  it  was,  and  took 
refuge  among  the  Indians  of  New  York.  The  fort 
was  then  destroyed,  and  Sassacus  himself,  with  seventy 
or  eighty  of  his  best  men,  retreated  towards  the  river 
Hudson. 

To  kill  or  capture  him,  was  now  the  main  object 
of  the  war ;  and  the  Pequots  were  pursued  westward, 
two  captured  sachems  having  had  their  lives  spared 
on  condition  of  guiding  the  English  in  the  surprisal 
of  their  royal  master.  The  enemy  were  at  last  over- 
taken, and  a  great  battle  took  place  in  a  swamp  in 
Fairfield,  where  nearly  two  hundred  Pequots  were 
taken  prisoners,  besides  killed  and  wounded.  Seven 
hundred,  it  was  computed,  had  now  been  destroyed 
in  the  course  of  the  war.  As  Mason  expresses  himself, 
they  were  become  "  a  prey  to  all  Indians ;  and  happy 
were  they  that  could  bring  in  their  heads  to  the  English 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  281 

—  of  which  there  came  almost  daily  to  Windsor  or 
Hartford."  So  Winthrop  writes  late  in  the  summer 
of  1637  — "  The  Indians  about  still  send  in  many 
Pequots'  heads  and  hands  from  Long  Island  and  other 
places/'  &c. 

But  Sassacus  was  not  destined  to  fall  by  the  hands 
of  the  English,  although  thirteen  of  his  war-captains 
had  already  been  slain,  and  he  was  himself  driven 
from  swamp  to  swamp,  by  night  and  day,  until  life 
was  hardly  worthy  of  an  effort  to  preserve  it.  Even 
his  own  men  were  seeking  his  life,  to  such  extremi- 
ties were  they  compelled  by  fear  of  the  English.  One 
Pequot,  whose  liberty  was  granted  him  on  condition 
of  finding  and  betraying  Sassacus,  finally  succeeded  in 
the  search.  He  came  up  with  him  in  one  of  his  soli- 
tary retreats;  but  finding  his  design  suspected,  and 
wanting  the  courage  necessary  for  attacking  a  warrior 
whom  even  his  Narraghansett  enemies  had  described 
as  "all  one  God,"  he  left  him  in, the  night,  and  re- 
turned to  the  English. 

The  sachem  was  at  last  obliged  to  abandon  his 
country.  Taking  with  him  five  hundred  pounds  of 
wampum,  and  attended  by  several  of  his  best  war- 
captains  and  bravest  men,  he  sought  a  refuge  among 
the  Mohawks.  These  savages  wanted  the  magna- 
nimity to  shelter,  or  even  spare,  a  formidable  rival, 
now  brought  within  their  power  by  his  misfortunes. 
He  was  surprised  and  slain  by  a  party  of  them,  and 
most  of  the  faithful  companions  who  still  followed 
his  solitary  wanderings,  were  partakers  with  him  of 
the  same  miserable  fate.  The  scalp  of  Sassacus  was 
sent  to  Connecticut  in  the  fall ;  and  a  lock  of  it  soon 
after  carried  to  Boston,  *  as  a  rare  sight/  (says  Trum- 


282  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

bull,)  and  a  sure  demonstration  of  the  death  of  a 
mortal  enemy. 

Thus  perished  the  last  great  sachem  of  the  Pequots ; 
and  thus  was  that  proud  and  warlike  nation  itself, 
with  the  exception  of  a  small  remnant,  swept  from  the 
face  of  the  earth.  The  case  requires  but  brief  com- 
ment. However  this  tribe  and  their  chieftain  might 
have  been  predisposed  to  treat  the  English,  and  how- 
ever they  did  treat  their  Indian  neighbors,  they  com- 
menced their  intercourse  with  the  whites,  ostensibly 
at  least,  in  a  manner  as  friendly  and  honorable  as  it 
was  independent.  Previous  to  the  treaty,  indeed,  com- 
plaints had  grown  out  of  the  murder  of  Stone;  but 
the  English  had  no  evidence  at  all  in  that  case,  while 
the  evidence  of  the  Pequots  was,  according  to  their 
own  acknowledgment,  cogent  if  not  conclusive,  in  sup- 
port of  their  innocence. 

We  may  add,  that  it  was  confirmed  by  what  is 
known  incidentally  of  the  character  of  Stone.  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  speaking  of  his  arrival  at  Boston  in 
June  1633,  on  board  a  small  vessel  loaded  with  "  corn 
and  salt,"  adds,  that  "  the  governor  of  Plymouth  sent 
Captain  Standish  to  prosecute  against  him  for  piracy." 
The  particulars  of  the  accusation  need  not  be  stated, 
for  only  a  few  months  after  this,  we  find  the  same 
person  mentioned  as  charged  with  another  infamous 
crime ;  "  and  though  it  appeared  he  was  in  drink,  and 
no  act  to  be  proved,  yet  it  was  thought  fit  he  should 
abide  his  trial,"  &c.  He  was  fined  a  hundred  pounds, 
and  expelled  from  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction. 

As  to  the  next  proceeding  recorded  —  the  expedi- 
tion of  the  English  in  1635  —  we  have  only  to  remark, 
1.  That  the  demand  of  one  thousand  fathoms  of  warn- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  283 

pum,  with  no  justifiable  nor  even  alleged  reason  for  it, 
was  an  imposition  and  an  insult.  2.  The  English 
should  at  least  have  taken  time  to  see  Sassacus  him- 
self, his  subjects  having  no  more  authority  than  dis- 
position to  treat  without  him.  3.  The  English,  with 
no  apparent  provocation,  not  only  insulted  but  as- 
saulted the  Pequots,  merely  to  see  if  they  would  'show 
fight ;'  and  then  burnt  their  towns  and  boats ;  not  a 
hair  on  their  own  heads  being  meanwhile  injured, 
and  Sassacus  himself  being  still  absent. 

With  such  inducement,  the  chieftain  began  a  war 
of  extermination ;  and  then  indeed  it  became  neces- 
sary that  one  of  the  two  nations  at  issue  should  be 
completely  disabled.  No  civilized  reader  entertains  a 
doubt  as  to  the  result  which,  under  such  an  alterna- 
tive, was  most  to  be  desired.  But  he  may  neverthe- 
less have  his  opinion,  respecting  the  moral  propriety 
as  well  as  the  state  policy  of  the  measures  which 
brought  on  that  horrible  necessity.  Let  the  whole 
truth,  then,  be  exposed.  If  it  shall  be  found,  (as  we 
believe  it  must  be,)  that  under  the  influence  of  strong 
and  sincere  though  fatal  excitement,  a  rashness  of 
the  civilized  party  was  the  ultimate  cause  of  the  ruin 
of  the  savage,  let  that  injustice  be  acknowledged, 
though  it  should  be  with  shame  and  with  tears.  Let 
it  be  atoned  for,  as  far  as  it  may  be  —  in  the  only  way 
now  possible  —  by  the  candid  judgment  of  posterity 
and  history,  upon  the  merits  and  the  misfortunes  of 
both. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Pequot  territory  claimed  by  Uncas. — His  tribe,  family,  and  early 
history. — Services  in  the  Pequot  expedition  rewarded  by  the  English. — 
Effect  of  their  favour. — His  contest  with  Miantonomo,  and  result. — 
Subsequent  wars  and  quarrels  with  various  tribes  and  chiefs. — Assist- 
ance rendered  him  by  the  English. — Complaints  brought  against  him 
to  them. — His  Christianity  considered. — His  morality. — Evidence  of 
his  fraud,  falsehood,  violence,  tyranny,  ambition. — His  services,  and 
those  of  his  tribe  to  the  English. — Manner  in  which  he  met  the  accu- 
sations made  against  him. — Cunning  and  servility. — His  treatment  of 
neighboring  sachems. — Various  negotiations  with  the  English. — His 
death. — Fate  of  his  tribe. 

ON  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots,  the  whole  of 
their  territory,  about  thirty  miles  square, 
was  claimed  by  the  Mohegans.  The  best 
opinion  is,  that  this  tribe  was  originally  a  part  of  the 
Pequot  nation ;  and  that  their  subsequent  name  was 
derived  from  the  place  of  their  subsequent  residence. 
The  first  great  sachem  of  the  Mohegans  personally 
known  to  the  English,  was  Uncas,  who  was  a  Pequot 
by  birth,  and  of  the  royal  line,  both  by  his  father  and 
mother.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Tatobam,  one 
of  the  Pequot  sachems.  Probably  he  had  been  him- 
self a  war-captain  under  Sassacus.  But  when  the 
English  began  their  settlements  in  Connecticut,  he 
was  in  a  state  of  rebellion  against  him,  in  consequence 
of  some  misunderstanding  between  them,  for  which 
either  he  had  expatriated  himself,  or  Sassacus  had 
(284) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  285 

expelled  him  from  his  dominions.  At  this  time,  his 
influence  was  inconsiderable ;  but  his  great  address 
and  ambition  soon  made  him  the  leading  Sagamore 
of  the  Mohegans,  as  they  afterwards  made  that  tribe 
the  leading  one  in  Connecticut. 

The  English  were  more  indebted  to  Uncas  for  his 
zealous  services  in  the  Pequot  war,  than  to  all  the 
other  Indians  together,  though  they  at  first  enter- 
tained doubts  of  his  fidelity.  Governor  Wolcott  says : 

'  "Twas  here  [at  Hartford]  that  Uncass  did  the  army  meet, 

With  many  stout  Moheagans  at  his  feet. 

He  to  the  general  [Mason]  goes,  and  doth  declare, 

He  came  for  our  assistance  in  the  war. 

He  was  that  Sagamore,  whom  great  Sassacus'  rage 
Had  hitherto  kept  under  vassalage. 
But  weary  of  his  great  severity, 
He  now  revolts  and  to  the  English  fly. 
With  cheerful  air  our  captain  him  embraces, 
And  him  and  his  chief  men  with  titles  graces; 
But  over  them  preserved  a  jealous  eye, 
Lest  all  this  might  be  done  in  treachery.' 

But  he  was  soon  convinced,  that  his  suspicions 
were  unjust.  The  Mohegans  embarked  with  Mason's 
ninety  men,  on  board  a  pink  or  pinnace  and  a  shallop, 
both  which,  the  water  being  low  in  the  river,  fell 
aground  several  times.  The  Indians  disliked  this  new 
species  of  navigation,  and  especially  so  much  of  it 
as  pertained  to  the  flats  and  sands;  and  Uncas  was 
still  more  impatient  to  recommend  himself  by  an 
active  commencement  of  the  war.  He  therefore  re- 
quested, that  he  and  his  men  might  be  set  on  shore, 
promising  to  join  Mason  again  at  Saybrook.  His  re- 
quest was  granted;  and  he  not  only  redeemed  his 
pledge,  but,  meeting  a  considerable  party  of  Pequots 
on  the  route,  he  attacked  them  with  great  spirit,  and 


286  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

killed  seven  of  their  number  — "  which,"  says  Captain 
Mason,  "  we  looked  at  as  a  special  Providence ;  for 
before  we  were  somewhat  doubtful  of  his  fidelity." 

This  good  opinion  was  daily  confirmed  by  the 
Sachem's  conversation  and  conduct.  "  Indeed,"  our 
writer  elsewhere  adds,  "  he  was  a  great  friend  and 
did  great  service  —  I  shall  never  forget  him."  At  the 
commencement  of  the  campaign,  the  various  Indians 
who  engaged  in  it,  were  in  high  glee.  They  gathered 
into  a  ring,  and  one  by  one  made  solemn  protesta- 
tions how  gallantly  they  would  demean  themselves, 
and  how  many  men  they  would  kill.  But  Uncas  said 
very  little,  until  Mason  inquired  of  him  what  he 
thought  these  Indians  would  do.  "  Nothing,"  an- 
swered he  gravely ;  "  The  Narraghansetts  will  leave 
you  to  a  man.  I  can  only  say  for  myself,  that  I  never 
will."  And  he  never  did.  The  Narraghansetts,  who 
had  vaunted  themselves  on  the  example  they  should 
be  obliged  to  set  the  English,  to  encourage  them  in 
their  attack  upon  the  enemy,  soon  fell  into  the  back- 
ground, and  many  of  them  returned  home. 

The  English  marched  on  through  the  woods  by 
moon  light,  until,  finding  themselves  altogether  aban- 
doned by  these  spirited  allies,  they  halted,  and  sent 
messengers  to  know  what  had  become  of  them.  At 
last, 

— '  After  long  waiting  for  the  same, 

Up  trusty  Uncass  and  stout  Wequash  came, 

Of  whom  the  general  in  strict  terms  demands, 

Where  stands  the  fort,  and  how  their  judgement  stands 

About  the  Enterprise?    and  what's  the  cause 

They  left  their  post  [the  van]  against  all  martial  laws/ 

From  the  answer  given  to  these  questions,  it  would 
appear  that,  however  it  might  be  with  the  Sachems, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  287 

the  Indians  generally  were  in  horrible  fear  of  the 
Pequots.  The  apology  however  was  cogent ;  "  when 
once  they  were  engaged,"  said  they, 

" 'tis  hard  to  get 

A  dispensation  from  them  to  retreat." 

But  no  such  reasoning  influenced  the  resolution 
or  the  fidelity  of  Uncas.  Even  after  the  great  suc- 
cess which  attended  the  assault,  most  of  the  Indians 
deserted,  or  at  least  disappeared,  in  consequence  of 
an  apprehension  of  falling  in  with  the  wandering 
Pequots.  But  Uncas  remained  steadfast.  He  also  did 
active  service  afterwards,  against  a  band  of  the  enemy 
who  had  settled  themselves  at  Pawcatuck,  contrary 
to  the  terms  of  their  submission  to  the  English ;  join- 
ing his  friend  Mason,  on  that  occasion,  with  one 
hundred  of  his  men  and  twenty  canoes. 

A  small  harbor  in  the  southern  part  of  the  town 
of  Guilford,  (in  Connecticut)  has  to  this  day  a  name 
derived  from  one  of  his  achievements.  He  and  his 
Mohegans,  with  a  few  of  the  English,  having  under- 
taken, when  the  enemy  fled  westward,  to  scour  the 
shores  near  the  sea  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off 
stragglers,  came  up  with  a  Pequot  sachem  and  a  few 
men,  not  far  from  this  harbor,  and  pursued  them. 
As  the  south  side  of  the  harbor  is  formed  by  a  long 
narrow  neck  of  land,  the  Pequots  went  out  upon  that 
point,  hoping  that  their  pursuers  would  pass  by  them. 
But  Uncas,  perceiving  the  stratagem,  ordered  some 
of  his  men  to  give  chase,  which  the  enemy  observing, 
swam  over  the  mouth  of  the  harbor.  There  they 
were  waylaid,  and  taken  as  they  landed.  A  council 
being  held,  and  the  sachem  sentenced  to  death,  Uncas 
himself  is  said  to  have  shot  him  with  an  arrow,  cut 


288  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

off  his  head,  and  set  it  up  in  the  crotch  of  a  large 
oak-tree  near  the  water.  The  skull  remained  there 
many  years,  and  the  name  of  the  Sachem's-Head  has 
been  ever  since  attached  to  the  harbor. 

The  enumeration  to  Uncas  for  the  part  which  he 
took  in  this  war,  was  a  portion  of  the  Pequot  terri- 
tory, (which  he  afterwards  sold  to  the  English,)  and 
one  hundred  captives  of  that  tribe ;  and  this,  with  the 
honor  of  having  subdued  his  great  Pequot  rival,  and 
the  reputation  of  being  upon  the  most  flattering  and 
favorable  terms  of  intercourse  with  the  English,  made 
him  at  once  a  character  of  high  dignity  and  of  no 
little  influence.  Indians  began  to  collect  around  him 
from  neighboring  tribes,  and  he  could  now  muster 
four  or  five  hundred  warriors.  The  state  of  Con- 
necticut treated  with  him,  and  made  him  presents, 
and  permitted  him  to  exercise  dominion  and  to  give 
deeds  of  territory,  in  all  respects  like  an  independent 
and  sovereign  authority,  while  he  enjoyed  at  the  same 
time  the  benefit  of  their  personal  patronage  and  the 
protection  of  his  tribe  from  their  enemies. 

In  July,  1638,  Uncas  visited  in  person  the  authori- 
ties of  Massachusetts  at  Boston  —  the  only  visit  of 
mere  ceremony  which  is  recorded  of  him  in  history. 
Ostensible  ceremony,  we  should  perhaps  say;  for  con- 
sidering the  time,  the  company,  and  especially  the 
deportment  on  that  occasion,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  Sachem  had  an  object  in  view  which  lightened 
the  weariness  of  his  long  journey. 

He  came  attended  by  thirty-seven  men,  and  ac- 
companied by  Governor  Haynes,  whom  he  had  called 
upon  by  the  way.  He  offered  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts a  present  of  twenty  fathoms  of  wampum, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  289 

which  being  in  open  court,  the  Council  thought  fit 
to  refuse  it,  "  till  he  had  given  satisfaction  about  the 
Pequods  he  kept,"  &c.  Upon  this  he  appeared  much 
dejected,  and  even  affected  to  apprehend  that  his  life 
was  in  danger.  But  he  was  not  long  at  a  loss.  Evi- 
dence was  produced  which  counteracted  the  main  sus- 
picions that  rested  upon  him ;  and  he  promised  to 
submit  his  controversy  with  the  Narraghansetts  to 
English  arbitration,  and  to  follow  any  arrangements 
they  should  make  as  to  his  Pequots. 

The  present  was  now  accepted,  and  about  half  an 
hour  afterwards,  he  went  to  the  Governor,  and  ad- 
dressed him  in  the  following  terms :  "  This  heart" — 
he  said,  laying  his  hand  on  his  breast  — "  is  not  mine, 
but  yours.  I  have  no  men.  They  are  all  yours.  Command 
me  any  hard  thing  —  /  will  do  it.  I  will  not  believe  any 
Indian's  words  against  the  English.  If  any  man  shall 
kill  an  Englishman,  I  will  put  him  to  death  were  he  never 
so  dear  to  me."  The  Governor  gave  him  a  handsome 
red  coat,  defrayed  the  expenses  of  his  visit,  and  fur- 
nished him  with  provisions  for  his  return-journey,  and 
a  general  letter  of  protection  —  and  so  "  he  departed 
very  joyful." 

This  transaction  throws  some  light  upon  what  is 
far  the  most  singular  point  in  the  history  of  the 
cunning  Sachem,  viz:  that  he  invariably  maintained 
at  once  the  best  terms  with  his  civilized  ally  and  the 
worst  with  his  Indian  neighbors.  The  latter  circum- 
stance indeed  naturally  ensued  from  the  former;  on 
account  of  which,  as  well  as  from  other  causes  par- 
tially explained  heretofore,  the  inveterate  hatred  which 
had  so  long  existed  between  the  Mohegans  and  the 
Narraghansetts,  previous  to  their  union  with  the  Eng- 


«*    14  YVY 10 


290  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

lish  for  the  suppression  of  the  common  enemy  of  all, 
broke  out  again  soon  after  the  treaty  of  1638,  and 
continued  from  that  time  forward  until  the  proud 
Narraghansetts  in  their  turn  fell  beneath  the  power 
of  the  English.  Ostensibly,  (as  we  have  seen  in  the 
life  of  Miantonomo,)  the  war  was  brought  on  by  the 
quarrel  of  Uncas  with  Sequassen,  of  whose  outrage 
he  complained  to  the  Governor  and  Court  of  the 
Colony.  The  high  estimate  he  set  upon  his  own  dig- 
nity appears  from  his  demanding  six  of  Sequassen's 
men  for  the  murder  of  his  subject.  With  great  diffi- 
culty he  was  finally  persuaded  to  accept  of  the  offender 
alone.  But  Sequassen  objected  even  to  these  terms; 
for  he  would  do  nothing  but  fight.  A  contest  ensued, 
and  Uncas  was  the  victor. 

His  subsequent  war  with  Miantonomo,  and  the 
proceedings  which  ensued  upon  his  triumph  over  that 
formidable  chieftain,  have  been  detailed.  From  this 
period,  so  long  as  the  Narraghansetts  remained  able 
to  send  an  army  into  the  field,  there  was  no  rest  for 
Uncas  or  his  people,  day  nor  night.  Truces  and 
promises  were  negotiated  and  passed  between  the 
parties  by  the  English ;  but  the  power  which  imposed, 
or  the  influence  which  induced  these  obligations  was 
scarcely  withdrawn,  when  the  unextinguishable  flame 
blazed  forth,  the  more  furiously  for  its  brief  suspen- 
sion. The  Narraghansetts  repeatedly  invaded  the 
Mohegan  country  in  the  course  of  the  year  1645, 
assaulted  Uncas  in  his  own  fort,  killed  and  captured 
numbers  of  his  men,  and  finally  so  pressed  him,  that 
both  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  were  obliged  to 
send  troops  to  his  assistance,  as  Hartford  had  done 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  291 

before,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  completely  sub- 
duing him  and  his  country. 

In  1648,  the  Mohawks,  Pocomtocks,  and  other 
tribes  were  induced  to  take  part  against  him.  Nine 
years  afterwards,  he  was  again  beset  in  his  fortress, 
and  again  rescued  by  the  Connecticut  forces;  and  so 
late  as  1660,  the  same  emergency  led  to  the  same 
measures.  On  that  occasion,  he  was  besieged  until 
his  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  saw 
that,  without  speedy  relief,  he  and  his  men  must  soon 
perish  by  famine  or  sword.  In  this  crisis,  he  found 
means  of  communicating  his  danger  to  the  scouts  of 
the  English,  who  had  been  sent  out  from  Saybrook 
fort.  The  case  being  urgent,  one  Leffingwell,  an 
ensign  of  the  garrison,  and  a  bold  enterprising  man, 
loaded  a  canoe  with  beef,  corn  and  pease,  and  paddled 
it  under  cover  of  the  night  from  Saybrook  into  the 
Thames  river,  where  he  had  the  address  to  get  the 
whole  into  the  besieged  fort,  which  stood  near  the 
water's  edge.  The  enemy  soon  ascertained  that  Uncas 
was  relieved,  and  raised  the  siege.  The  Sachem  is 
said  to  have  rewarded  Leffingwell  for  his  services  by 
a  deed  of  the  town  of  Norwich. 

And  not  open  and  honorable  arms,  (as  civilized 
foes  would  consider  them,)  alone,  were  employed 
against  Uncas.  One  of  the  Pequots,  in  1643,  shot 
him  through  the  arm,  at  the  instigation,  as* was  gener- 
ally supposed,  of  Miantonomo ;  and  the  war  with  that 
chieftain  was  brought  on  by  similar  attempts  on  the 
part  of  Sequassen.  The  Narraghansett  sachems  hired 
an  Indian  to  assassinate  him  in  1-649,  and  he  suc- 
ceeded so  far  as  to  give  him  a  wound  in  the  breast 


292  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

with  a  sword,  which  for  some  time  was  thought 
mortal.  Sorcery  and  poison  were  also  tried. 

Attempts  were  meanwhile  made  to  injure  him  in 
the  estimation  of  the  English ;  his  enemies  believing, 
and  with  good  reason,  that  the  withdrawal  of  their 
protection  would  be  fatal  to  him.  Sequassen,  whose 
hatred  was  inveterate,  went  so  far,  in  1646,  as  to  form 
a  plan  for  murdering  Governor  Haynes  and  other  of 
the  principal  inhabitants  of  Hartford,  with  the  view 
of  having  the  crime  charged  upon  Uncas.  Watohi- 
brough,  a  Waranoke  Indian,  was  engaged  to  do  the 
business ;  and  he  and  Sequassen,  after  leaving  matters 
in  a  proper  train,  were  to  take  refuge  among  the 
Mohawks.  The  price  of  blood  was  already  paid  in 
girdles  of  wampum;  but  Watohibrough  wanted  cour- 
age to  perform  what  avarice  only  had  led  him  to 
undertake.  Having  altered  his  mind  thus  far,  he  soon 
bethought  himself  that  the  English  had  given  rewards 
to  those  who  discovered  a  similar  conspiracy  on  a 
former  occasion ;  and  concluding  they  would  do  so 
again,  he  went  to  Hartford,  and  disclosed  every  thing 
he  knew.  Messengers  were  immediately  sent  to  de- 
mand the  attendance  of  Sequassen,  for  the  purpose 
of  clearing  himself  from  the  charge;  but  he  thought 
it  more  polite  to  avoid  the  messengers,  and  so  escaped 
unpunished. 

The  English  authorities  invariably  took  cognizance 
of  all  these  and  similar  proceedings ;  and  no  doubt, 
but  for  their  interference,  and  the  expectation  of  it, 
many  more  of  the  same  nature  would  have  taken 
place,  and  might  finally  have  succeeded.  Thus  it  was 
the  extraordinary  good  fortune  of  Uncas  to  be  a 
favorite  with  his  early  allies,  from  first  to  last.  He 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  293 

complained  of  no  grievance  in  vain :  and  as  a  natural 
consequence,  he  uniformly  complained  upon  good 
occasion,  as  well  as  frequently  upon  bad  or  none. 
The  Mohansick  Sachem,  of  Long-Island,  committed 
trespasses  on  his  men ;  and  forthwith  "  he  desires  the 
commissioners  that  hee  may  be  righted  therein ;"  and 
four  persons  are  immediately  appointed  to  examine 
the  Mohansick  Sachem,  "  and  if  proof  bee  cleare  to 
labor  to  convince  him  thereof,  require  satisfaccon,  and 
in  case  of  reasonable  complyance  encleauor  a  Com- 
posure thereof:  but  if  no  satisfaccon  will  bee  giuen 
for  Iniuries,  proceed  then  to  lett  him  know  they  give 
the  English  just  cause  of  offence,  and  ivill  bring  trouble 
vpon  themselucs" 

The  possibility  of  his  giving  false  testimony  against 
his  enemies  and  rivals,  seems  scarcely  to  have  entered 
the  Commissioners'  minds.  Upon  rumors  of  fresh  as- 
saults by  the  Narraghansetts  upon  the  Long-Islanders, 
in  1653,  they  sent  messengers  to  the  former,  requiring 
their  attendance  at  Boston,  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
promising the  quarrel.  These  messengers  were  farther 
instructed  to  notify,  not  only  to  the  Long-Islanders, 
but  to  Uncas,  that  if  they  or  any  of  them  had  any  thing 
"to  enforme  charge  or  propound  either  in  the  fore- 
mencioned  or  any  other,"  they  were  to  send  witnesses 
accordingly  — "  and  by  Thomas  Staunton  or  other- 
wise you  are  to  giue  notice  to  Captaine  Mason,  Vncus 
&c.  that  there  may  bee  noe  fayling  for  want  of  Witnesse 
or  Euidence."  It  is  not  wonderful,  that  Ninigret  asked 
the  messengers,  on  this  occasion,  after  being  told  of 
their  errand  — "  Why  doe  the  English  slight  mee,  and 
respect  the  Longe-Islanders  and  the  Mohegins,  seeing 
all  around  mee  do  love  mee  and  are  my  frinds?" 


£94  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

In  1654,  great  complaints  were  made  against  Uncas 
himself.  On  that  occasion,  the  same  messenger  sent 
to  the  Mohegan  sachem  was  sent  also  to  Ninigret; 
but  although  the  former  was  the  accused  party,  it 
will  be  observed,  that  a  peculiar  provision  was  made 
to  accommodate  him,  while  the  only  one  made  in  re- 
lation to  Ninigret's  visit  was,  that  "  hee  may  not  bring 
with  him  aboue  twenty  or  thirty  men ;  nor  may  New- 
come,  or  as  the  Indians  called  him,  Mattackist,  come 
with  him  whoe  last  yeare  gaue  offence  att  Boston/' 
It  is  clear,  that  the  plaintiff  in  this  suit  was  no  favorite ; 
and  it  is  further  remarkable,  that  the  messenger  was 
directed  to  take  the  present  occasion  of  reminding 
him  of  his  old  debts  and  defaults,  and  (as  if  to  pre- 
vent his  appearance)  requiring  satisfaction  to  be  given 
at  the  time  of  his  visit.  The  following  are  the  mes- 
sengers instructions : 

"  You  are  to  informe  both  Vncus  and  his  brother 
Woweque  that  the  Commissioners  haue  receiued  in- 
formation of  some  purpose  of  theires  to  invade  the 
Narraghansetts  or  Ninnigrett;  they  haue  alsoe  heard 
of  some  differences  lately  groune  betwixt  Vncus  and 
his  brother  and  betwixt  them  and  theire  men.  They 
are  not  willing  to  receive  reports  without  due  enquiry ; 
they  haue  therefore  sent  for  Ninnigrett,  the  better  to 
secure  the  longe-Island  Indians,  and  to  heare  what 
hee  hath  to  allege  against  the  Mohegens,  and  com- 
pose all  other  differences.  The  Commissioners  ther- 
fore  desire  and  expect  that  both  Vncus  and  his  brother 
doe  forthwith  Come  to  hartford,  &c.  You  are  alsoe 
to  informe  both  Vncus  and  his  brother  ana  theire  men, 
that  the  English  doe  oune  Vncus  so  longe  as  hee  carrieth 
himselfe  well,  and  shall  bee  loth  hee  suffer  wrong,"  &c. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  295 

Next  follow  the  "  Instruccons  for  John  Gilbert  and 
John  Baily  whoe  were  sent  to  continue  att  Vncus  his  fortt 
during  his  absence. 

"  You  shall  Repaire  to  Mohegen,  and  acquaint 
Vncus  and  all  other  Indians  that  you  are  to  reside 
att  his  fortt  by  the  Commissioners  of  all  the  Collonies, 
to  the  Intent  that  Vncus  and  all  others  may  know 
the  realitie  of  the  English  to  continnew  his  frinds 
whiles  hee  continueth  faithfull  to  the  English ;  and 
because  the  Commissioners  have  now  sent  for  Vncus 
to  speak  with  him  concerning  some  affairs  of  con- 
cernment relating  to  himselfe  Ninnigrett  and  Wowe- 
que,  and  being  Informed  some  sturrs  may  arise  in 
his  absence  to  his  prejudice  you  shall  vse  youer  In- 
cleauors  to  keep  all  things  quiett  and  informe  the 
Indians  that  such  attempts  wil  bee  ofTenciue  to  the 
English."  &c. 

No  fears  seem  to  have  been  entertained,  that 
'  sturrs  '  would  arise  in  the  Niantick  country  during 
Ninigret's  absence,  although  the  message  itself  was 
founded  upon  the  rumor  of  an  attack  to  be  made 
upon  him  by  the  other  party.  So,  when  Captain  Mason 
had  been  commissioned  to  march  against  Ninigret 
with  an  armed  force,  on  a  former  occasion,  he  was 
ordered  "  to  advise  particularly  that  Vncus  Fort  be 
secured  when  any  strength  is  sent  forth  against  the 
enemie,  lest  hee  and  wee  recieue  more  damage  by 
som  Indian  stratageme  than  the  enemie."  A  multi- 
tude of  other  decisions  and  directions  might  be  cited 
to  the  same  purpose. 

Uncas  was  in  less  favor  with  the  English  towards 
the  latter  part  of  his  life  than  formerly,  for  reasons 


296  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

which  will  soon  be  mentioned.  He  did  not  however 
come  to  an  open  rupture  with  them  at  any  time;  and 
his  subjects,  though  frequently  insolent,  were  never 
hostile.  On  the  contrary,  they  assisted  their  ally  on 
many  occasions,  the  Commissioners  never  hesitating 
to  notify  them  when  their  services  would  be  accept- 
able, and  they  never  hesitating  to  attend  a  summons. 
For  this  zeal,  directed  as  it  invariably  was  against 
their  Indian  neighbors,  and  generally  their  old  enemies, 
it  would  be  easy  to  suggest  more  reasons  than  one. 
They  thought  themselves  fortunate  in  these  secure 
and  sanctioned  opportunities  of  revenge  and  plunder, 
even  had  they  not  also  been  richly  paid  by  the  pro- 
tection of  the  English,  reciprocated  to  them  in  all 
emergencies  of  their  own.  Their  last  services  during 
the  life  of  Uncas  were  during  Philip's  war,  when  a 
party  of  them  was  commanded  by  Onecho,  a  son  of 
Uncas,  and  by  other  sachems.  The  father  was  then 
too  old  a  man  to  endure  much  more  labor  and  weari- 
ness. 

It  has  been  stated,  that  Uncas  was  at  least  con- 
vinced of  the  truth  of  Christianity,  and  that  he  died 
in  the  faith;  but  we  fear  this  information  can  hardly 
be  relied  upon.  The  only  proof  of  it  we  have  seen 
is  derived  from  the  following  anecdote. 

In  the  summer  of  1676,  a  great  drought  prevailed 
throughout  New  England,  which  was  extremely 
severe  in  the  Mohegan  country.  The  corn  was  dried 
up  in  August,  and  the  fruit  and  leaves  fell  from  the 
trees,  as  in  Autumn.  The  Indians  were  alarmed,  but 
knew  not  what  to  do.  According  to  custom,  they 
applied  to  their  Powahs  to  intercede  with  the  Great 
Spirit  for  rain,  after  their  manner;  but  these  men 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  297 

labored  to  no  purpose.  They  then  went  to  the  Eng- 
lish settlement  at  Norwich,  and  Uncas  went  with 
them.  He  told  Mr.  Fitch,  the  clergyman  at  that  place, 
that  it  was  a  hard  case  with  them  —  the  Powrahs 
could  do  them  no  service  —  they  must  apply  to  the 
English  God.  Mr.  Fitch  appointed  a  fast-day  at  these 
and  other  suggestions.  The  weather  on  that  occasion 
proved  to  be  clear;  but  about  sunset,  at  the  close  of 
the  religious  services,  some  clouds  arose.  The  next 
day  also  was  cloudy.  Uncas  now  went  to  the  house 
of  Mr.  Fitch,  with  many  Indians,  and  again  lamented 
the  great  want  of  rain.  "  If  God  shall  send  it,"  said 
Mr.  Fitch,  "will  you  not  attribute  it  to  your  Powahs? 
"  No,"  answered  the  sachem ;  "  we  have  done  our  ut- 
most, but  all  in  vain."  The  clergyman  then  told  him, 
that  if  he  would  make  this  declaration  before  the 
Indians,  they  should  see  what  God  would  do  for  them. 
Uncas  then  made  a  speech  to  the  Indians,  confessing 
with  particular  emphasis,  that  if  God  should  grant 
this  favor,  it  could  not  be  in  consequence  of  their 
powawing,  but  must  be  ascribed  to  the  clergyman's 
prayers.  Of  the  sequel  we  only  know,  that  upon  the 
day  following  there  was  so  copious  a  rain  that  the 
river  rose  more  than  two  feet. 

This  testimony  proves  but  little.  On  the  other 
hand,  Mr.  Fitch  himself  in  a  letter  cited  by  Gookin 
gives  a  very  clear  opinion  as  follows : 

" —  Since  God  hath  called  me  to  labor  in  this  work 
among  the  Indians  nearer  to  me,  the  first  of  my  time 
was  spent  among  them  at  Moheek,  where  Unkas, 
and  his  son,  and  Wanuho  are  sachems.  These  at 
first  carried  it  teachably  and  tractably ;  until  at  length 
the  sachems  did  discern  that  religion  would  not  con- 


298  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

sist  with  a  mere  receiving,  and  that  practical  reli- 
gion will  throw  down  their  heathenish  idols,  and  the 
sachem's  tyrannical  authority.  Discerning  this,  they 
did  not  only  go  away,  but  drew  off  their  people  and 
would  not  suffer  them  to  give  so  much  as  an  out- 
ward attendance  to  the  ministry  of  the  word  of  God.*  * 
At  this  time  Unkas  and  his  sons  seem  as  if  they  would 
came  on  again.  But  it  is  no  other  but  in  envy  against 
these  [the  converts]  and  to  promote  some  present  self- 
design" 

When  Mr.  Gookin,  with  the  Apostle  Elliot,  visited 
the  towns  of  the  Massachusetts  Praying  Indians,  in 
1674,  he  says,  that  on  one  occasion,  a  large  part  of 
the  night  was  spent  at  Sagamore's  wigwam,  in  com- 
pany with  the  principal  Indians  then  at  the  settle- 
ment, in  prayer,  singing  psalms  and  exhortation. 
There  was  one  person  present,  who  sat  mute  during 
all  these  exercises.  At  length  he  arose  and  said,  that 
he  was  an  agent  for  Uncas,  the  Mohegan  sachem,  and 
that  in  his  name  he  challenged  a  right  to,  and  domin- 
ion over  this  people  of  Wabquissit.  "  Uncas  is  not 
well  pleased,"  added  he,  "  that  the  English  should 
pass  over  Mohegan  river,  to  call  Ms  Indians  to  pray 
to  God."  Mr.  Gookin  replied,  that  Wabquissit  was 
within  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction,  and  that  no 
harm  need  to  be  feared  at  all  events ;  the  English  only 
wished  to  bring  the  Indians  to  the  knowledge  of 
Christ,  and  to  suppress  among  them  the  sins  of  drunk- 
enness, idolatry,  powowing,  witchcraft,  murder,  and 
the  like. 

This  was  plainly  a  lecture  meant  for  the  benefit 
of  Uncas  himself,  and  his  agent  was  especially  re- 
quested to  inform  him  of  the  answer  made  to  his  pro- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  299 

test.  In  another  conexion,  we  find  Mr.  Gookin's  opin- 
ion expressed  to  the  same  effect,  without  the  same  cir- 
cumlocution. "  I  am  apt  to  fear,"  is  his  language, 
"that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  [Mr.  Fitch's]  labors, 
is  in  the  sachem  of  those  Indians,  whose  name  is 
Unkas;  an  old  wicked  and  wilful  man;  a  drunkard, 
and  otherwise  very  vicious ;  who  hath  always  been 
an  opposer  and  underminer  of  praying  to  God  — 
some  hints  whereof  I  have  given  in  the  narrative  of 
my  journey  to  Wabquissit,  before  mentioned."  The 
Sachem  once  took  the  trouble  to  visit  Hartford  for 
the  express  purpose  of  complaining  to  the  Colonial 
authorities  of  the  attempts  made  to  convert  his  sub- 
jects to  Christianity. 

His  piety,  then,  will  hardly  bear  rigid  examina- 
tion. Whether  his  morality  was  quite  so  objectiona- 
ble as  Mr.  Gookin  supposed,  or  whether  that  good 
man  was  unduly  prejudiced  against  him  for  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  ministry,  may  not  be  easily  decided. 
There  is  but  too  much  reason  for  believing,  however, 
that  there  was  great  truth  in  most  of  the  charges, 
and  a  most  pertinent  application  for  the  lecture  re- 
ferred to  above.  The  United  Commissioners  them- 
selves seem  to  pay  but  a  sorry  compliment  to  his 
previous  habits  when,  so  late  as  1672,  they  directed  a 
letter  to  be  written  to  him,  "  to  incurrage  him  to 
attende  on  the  Minnestrey." 

What  is  more  to  the  purpose,  we  find  a  complaint 
entered  against  him  before  them,  in  1647,  by  one  of 
his  Pequot  subjects,  named  Obechiquod.  The  griev- 
ance was,  that  Uncas  had  taken  possession  of  and 
detained  the  man's  wife ;  and  though  Foxon,  the 
deputy  of  the  Mohegan  sachem,  ingeniously  argued, 


300  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

that  this  accident  had  happened  only  in  consequence 
of  Obechiqoud's  having  unlawfully  withdrawn  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  Uncas,  and  left  his  wife  behind 
him,  to  be  of  course  appropriated,  according  to  Indian 
law,  by  any  other  person  who  desired  such  a  connex- 
ion ;  yet  even  the  Commissioners  felt  themselves  ob- 
liged, upon  a  hearing  of  the  whole  case,  to  express 
their  abhorrence  "  of  that  lustfull  adulterous  carriage 
of  Vncus."  He  was  adjudged  to  restore  the  complain- 
ant's wife,  and  allow  the  husband  to  live  where  he 
chose,  on  condition  of  his  assisting  Uncas  in  his  wars 
whenever  the  English  desired.  He  was  discharged 
from  another  accusation  of  the  same  nature  made 
by  Sanops,  a  Connecticut  Indian,  at  the  same  time  — 
the  evidence  being  sufficient  to  convict  him. 

The  proofs  of  fraud  and  falsehood  are  still  more 
abundant.  Miantonomo  hesitated  not  to  accuse  him 
of  foul  play,  even  in  the  Pequot  war;  and  the  account 
given  by  Roger  Williams  of  the  reports  which  he 
rendered  to  the  English  authorities,  of  the  Pequot 
captives  who  fell  into  his  hands,  goes  very  far  to 
establish  the  charge.  Six,  whom  he  had  taken  at  one 
time,  he  represented  to  be  Mohegans,  although  an  In- 
dian who  gave  information  of  the  fact  to  Mr.  Williams, 
knew  them  as  Pequots  personally,  and  perfectly  well, 
and  mentioned  the  names  of  all. 

His  conduct  at  the  Hartford  conference  in  1637, 
has  already  been  the  subject  of  comment.  Sometime 
after  Miantonomo's  arrival,  who  had  been  delayed 
by  his  machinations,  he  sent  in  messengers  to  the 
court  that  he  was  lame,  and  could  not  visit  them. 
Governor  Haynes  observed,  that  this  was  a  lame 
excuse,  at  best,  and  immediately  despatched  a  cogent 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  301 

request  for  him  to  attend  without  fail  or  delay.  He 
came  at  length,  and  the  Governor  then  accused  him 
of  the  flagrant  outrages  which  he  and  his  subjects 
had  committed  on  the  Narraghansetts.  Some  alter- 
cation ensued  between  the  rival  chieftains,  but,  by 
the  persuasion  of  the  English,  they  were  finally  in- 
duced to  shake  hands.  Miantonomo  then  cordially 
invited  Uncas  to  sup  with  him,  his  men  having  just 
killed  some  venison :  but  he  would  not  consent.  The 
sachems  were  now  called  upon  to  make  returns  for 
their  Pequot  prisoners.  Miantonomo  made  his  prompt- 
ly, and  no  fault  was  found.  "  Okace  [Uncas]  was 
desired  to  give  in  the  names  of  his.  He  answered, 
that  he  knew  not  their  names.  He  said  there  were 
forty  on  Long-Island ;  and  that  Juanemo  [alias  Jane- 
moh]  and  three  Nayantaquit  Sachims  had  Pequts,  and 
that  he  himself  had  but  twenty.  Thomas  Stanton 
[Interpreter]  told  him  and  the  magistrates,  that  he 
dealt  very  falsely :  and  it  was  affirmed  by  others,  that 
he  fetched  thirty  or  forty  from  Long-Island  at  one 
time.  Then  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  thirty,  but  the 
names  he  could  not  give.  It  pleased  the  magistrates 
to  request  me  to  send  to  Nayantaquit,  that  the  names 
of  the  Pequts  might  be  sent  to  Cunnihticut;  as  also 
to  give  Okace  ten  days  to  bring^  in  the  number  and 
names  of  his  Pequts  and  their  runaways,  Mr.  Haynes 
threatening  also  (in  case  of  failing)  to  fetch  them." 
This  transaction  speaks  clearly  for  itself. 

The  Sachem's  treatment  of  the  Pequots  surrender- 
ed to  him  on  this  occasion,  does  him  little  more 
credit.  In  1647,  ten  years  after  the  conquest,  these 
unfortunate  people  sent  in  a  complaint  to  the  com- 
missioners, in  which  they  stated  that  Uncas  had  drawn 


302  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

wampum  from  them  unjustly,  on  all  manner  of  pre- 
texts, and  without  any  pretext.  When  his  child  had 
died,  for  example,  he  made,  or  pretended  to  make, 
a  present  to  his  wife,  and  ordered  the  Pequots  to  do 
the  same.  Frightened  by  his  threats,  they  collected 
one  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum,  and  gave  it  as 
directed.  Uncas  appeared  to  be  pleased,  and  promised 
to  treat  them  from  that  time  forward  as  his  own 
ancient  subjects.  But  only  a  few  days  afterwards, 
his  brother  (Woweque)  came  and  told  them,  that 
Uncas  and  his  Council  had  determined  to  kill  some 
of  them.  They  now  thought  it  necessary  to  appeal 
to  the  English  protection,  and  they  set  about  collect- 
ing a  quantity  of  wampum  to  be  sent  in  to  Connecti- 
cut with  that  view.  Uncas  received  a  hint  of  their 
movements ;  and  the  next  morning  he  came  to  the 
fort  where  they  were,  with  a  body  of  warriors  armed, 
and  apparently  bent  upon  killing  some  of  their  number. 
They  however  escaped  safe  to  Connecticut.  It  was 
farther  alleged,  that  they  had  given  Uncas  wampum 
forty  times.  Twenty-five  times  they  had  sent  it  by 
him  to  the  English,  in  payment  of  tribute;  but  they 
knew  not  that  any  part  of  it  was  delivered. —  Also, 
that  Uncas  favored  the  Mohegans  to  their  prejudice. 
If  they  won  any  thing  of  one  of  them  in  play,  it  could 
never  be  collected. — Also,  that  he  had  cut  all  their  fish- 
ing nets  for  not  aiding  him  —  as  they  were  not  bound 
to  do  —  in  certain  of  his  forays  against  the  Indians 
of  Long  Island. 

The  reply  of  Foxon  to  these  charges  —  no  doubt 
by  instruction  from  his  master  —  is  full  of  his  usual 
ingenuity.  1.  As  to  the  wampum — "  he  belieuth 
the  Pequats  haue  for  tribute  and  vpon  other  occa- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  303 

sions  at  sundry  times  paid  wampum  to  Vncus,  but 
denyeth  that  they  in  particular  had  giuen  him  any 
for  the  English ;  but  the  Moyhegens  and  they  had 
sometimes  joyned  togeither  to  giue  in  wampum,  which 
had  been  sent  as  a  presente  twice  into  the  Mattachu- 
sets,  and  sometimes  to  Mr.  Haynes  at  Hartford,  but 
he  thinckes  the  nomber  of  twenty-flue  times  to  be 
altogeither  false. " 

2.  "  He  concieues  that  the  Pequats  being  vnder 
people  might  haue  some  wrong  from  the  Mohegens 
in    play    and    durst    not    presse    for    their    right,    but 
denyeth  that  Vncus  had  any  hand  therein." 

3.  "  He  acknowledgeth  that  the  Pequats  did  bring 
in   100   fathome  of  wampam  at  the  death  of  Vncus 
child,   and   were    promised    favoure   as    is   expressed, 
but  the  latter  was  only  a  treacherous  plott  of  Vncus 
brother   perswading   the    Pequats   to   withdraw   from 
Vncus  into  theire  oune  Country,  and  there  he  would 
come  vnto  them,  and  to  prouoke  them  thereunto  he 
tould  them    (though   falsely)    that   Vncus  had   deter- 
mined to  kill  some  of  them." 

4.  "  Though  Vncus  at  first  apprehended  noe  in- 
convenience   in    such    a   present   to   the    English,   yet 
being   after   informed   it  was   a   plott   on   a   fruite   of 
crooked   counsell  giuen   them   by  Tassaquanott,   Sas- 
sacus  his  brother,  who  had  suggested  vnto  them  that 
most  of  the  chiefe  Sachems  were  cutt  off,  Vncus  to 
them  but  a  stranger,  why  should  they  serue  or  giue 
wampam  to  him,  herewith  Vncus  was  justly  offended." 

5.  "  He  had  heard  some  of  the  Mohegans  tooke 
fish  from  them,  but  knoweth  not  that  hee  cutt  theire 
netts,  though  he  cannot  deny  it." 

The    Commissioners    decreed,    that    the    Pequots 


304  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

should  return  to  the  dominion  of  Uncas,  who  should 
receive  them  without  charge  or  revenge  for  the  man- 
ner in  which  they  deserted  him;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  that  he  should  himself  be  reproved  for  his 
tyranny,  and  seriously  informed,  that  the  English 
would  not  support  him  "  in  any  unlawfull,  much  less 
treacherous  and  outrageous  courses." 

Unquestionably,  this  '  brother '  of  Uncas  was  quite 
as  troublesome  to  himself  as  he  was  to  the  white 
people.  Mr.  Winthrop  complained,  at  this  very  meet- 
ing, that  he  had  fallen  upon  the  Nopnet  Indians 
entirely  without  provocation,  with  one  hundred  and 
thirty  Mohegans,  and  carried  off  wampum,  copper 
kettles,  great  hempen  baskets,  bear-skins,  deer-skins 
and  many  other  things  of  great  value.  These  facts 
were  admitted  by  Foxon,  who  also  asserted  that 
Uncas  had  no  part  either  in  the  assault  or  the  spoil, 
he  being  at  New  Haven  when  the  affair  happened. 
Other  complaints  being  brought  forward  and  proved, 
the  Commissioners  directed  that  Uncas  should  either 
disown  his  brother  entirely,  or  else  regulate  him  in 
a  more  suitable  manner  for  the  future.  This  was 
correct.  It  is  clear  that  he  either  instigated  these 
flagrant  outrages,  or  at  least  connived  at  them  by 
sufferance.  He  was  able  to  prevent  them,  as  far  as 
he  thought  proper. 

It  would  be  tedious,  though  not  wholly  without 
matter  of  amusement,  to  detail  at  large  all  the  accu- 
sations brought  against  the  Mohegan  Sachem  by 
various  complainants  at  various  times.  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  arraigned  him.  The  English 
settlements  nearest  to  him  accused  him  of  insolence 
and  violent  assaults.  The  Mohawks  quarelled  with 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  305 

his  tribe.  The  Narraghansetts  and  Nianticks  charged 
him  repeatedly  with  inroads  and  insults  upon  them. 
Necwash  Cooke,  a  Pequot  under  English  protection, 
complained  of  being  plundered  with  open  force.  San- 
ops,  an  Indian  mentioned  heretofore,  was  robbed  of  his 
corn  and  beans,  (perhaps  hardly  less  valuable  to  him 
than  his  wife.}  Mr.  Winthrop  stated,  in  behalf  of  a 
Long  Island  Sachem,  that  he  had  sent  sixty  fathoms 
of  wampum  to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  by 
Uncas ;  and  though  he  made  the  bearer  himself  a 
present  of  twenty  at  the  same  time,  he  had  embezzled 
the  whole. 

Again,  one  Apumps  "  complained  against  Vncus, 
that  about  sixe  wreekes  since  hee  tooke  sixe  of  his 
people  at  Quinnapauge,  killed  one,  and  wounded 
another." 

"Pomham  [a  Massachusetts  Sachem]  appearing  be- 
fore the  Commissioners  [at  the  same  meeting]  said 
that  about  a  month  agone  Vncus  or  some  of  his  men 
killed  a  man  and  two  wemen  at  Cawesett,  the  one  of 
them  belonging  to  himselfe,  the  other  vnto  Tupaya- 
men,  both  without  provocation/' 

"  Wee  desire  the  English  Sachims  " —  wrote  the 
Pocomptocks  in  answer  to  an  English  message  of 
inquiry  —  "not  to  perswade  vs  to  a  peace  with  Vncus ; 
for  though  hee  promiseth  much  yett  will  hee  per- 
forme  nothinge.  We  have  experience  of  his  falce- 
nes"  &c. 

In  1656,  he,  or  his  brother,  invaded  the  Norwoo- 
tucks ;  and  he  even  joined  arms  with  Ninnigret  against 
a  Sachem  of  Long  Island.  About  two  years  before 
this,  he  had  taken  occasion  to  push  his  conquests 
beyond  the  river  Connecticut  by  quarrelling  and  then 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 20 


306  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

fighting  with  Arrhamamet,  Sachem  of  Mussauco 
(now  Simsbury,  near  Hartford.)  He  sent  one  of  his 
warriors  to  take  and  burn  a  wigwam  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  village,  killing  a  few  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
then  leaving  marks  of  the  Mohawks.  His  orders  were 
executed,  and  the  stratagem  took  effect.  Arrhamamet 
ascribed  the  mischief  to  the  Mohawks,  and,  burning 
with  resentment,  fitted  out  a  war  party,  and  went  in 
pursuit  of  them  to  the  Northwest.  Uncas  thus  gained 
time  to  equip  his  men,  and  fall  upon  the  enemy's 
town  in  his  absence.  Arrhamamet  was  subjugated 
and  his  tribe,  the  Podunks,  were  ever  afterwards  trib- 
utary to  Uncas. 

The  season  before  this,  Meeksaw  [probably  Mex- 
ham]  a  Narraghansett  Sachem,  complained  that  Uncas 
had  killed  one  of  his  men,  and  also  that  he  had 
"  affronted  him  by  abusiuely  naming  and  jeering  his 
dead  ancestors,  and  sending  him  a  challenge  this 
summer  to  fight."  The  Commissioners  inquired  of 
Foxon  the  truth  of  the  charge,  "  and  hee  not  giuing  a 
satisfactory  answare,  they  tooke  the  matter  into  con- 
sideration." &c.  Soon  afterwards  the  same  person 
complained  "  of  a  gun  taken  from  a  Narraghansett 
Indian  by  Vncus  his  son,  which  some  of  Vncus  his 
men  acknowlidged  to  bee  true."  The  Commissioners' 
judgement  in  this  case  was,  substantially,  that  al- 
though Mexham  had  not  sufficient  proof,  yet,  know- 
ing that  Uncas  out  of  his  pride  and  folly  was  apt  to 
insult  people,  they  would  send  him  a  suitable  repri- 
mand. In  some  other  cases,  they  went  so  far  as  to 
adjudge,  and  perhaps  enforce  restitution. 

Not  to  examine  the  records  farther,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  observe,  that  though  all  these  accusations 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  307 

were  not  strictly  correct,  many  of  them,  and  many 
others,  were  proved ;  and  perhaps  a  tithe  of  the  truth 
never  appeared  after  all.  Some  of  the  sufferers  were 
too  proud  to  complain.  Others  had  no  evidence  to 
offer  but  their  own.  Many  supposed  it  impracticable 
to  obtain  a  fair  hearing  or  decision  of  the  Commis- 
sioners, against  a  chieftain  regarded  as  their  ward ; 
and  many  more  were  too  much  irritated  not  to  right 
themselves  in  a  more  customary  and  summary  manner 
upon  the  spot. 

The  secret  source  of  this  extraordinary  series  of 
wars,  forays,  challenges,  robberies  and  adulteries,  like 
that  of  the  Sachem's  inveterate  opposition  to  Chris- 
tianity, was  in  his  lawless  appetites  and  passions ; 
but  especially  an  inordinate  and  uncontrolled  ambi- 
tion. It  might  be  with  justice  that  Miantonomo  was 
accused  of  a  design  to  make  himself  Universal  Saga- 
more—  as  the  phrase  was  —  of  New  England.  But 
the  Narraghansetts  took  no  measures  for  the  attain- 
ment of  his  object  which  were  in  his  own  view  either 
mean  or  malicious.  He  neither  kept  back  part  of 
the  captives,  nor  embezzled  the  tribute  which  they 
deposited  in  his  hands,  nor  plundered  his  neighbors  in 
time  of  peace,  nor  unduly  availed  himself  of  foreign 
assistance  for  the  annihilation  of  his  rivals.  He  sent 
a  few  of  his  men,  it  is  true,  to  aid  in  the  Pequot  expe- 
dition —  or  rather  did  not,  perhaps  could  not  prevent 
them  from  going  —  but  these  were  only  two  hundred, 
out  of  two  thousand ;  and  he  neither  headed  them  him- 
self, like  Uncas,  nor  even  engaged  personally  at  all 
in  the  contest.  Indeed,  he  at  most  only  continued, 
on  this  occasion,  the  hostilities  which  had  existed 
between  the  two  nations  for  a  long  series  of  years; 


308  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  all  historians  admit,  that  he  was  very  near  join- 
ing Sassacus  at  one  time  against  the  English  them- 
selves. Uncas,  on  the  other  hand,  made  the  most  of 
the  opportunity,  to  revenge  himself  upon  Sassacus, 
and  to  exalt  his  reputation  and  power  upon  the  wreck 
of  the  Pequots. 

Miantonomo  became  in  his  turn  a  victim  to  the 
same  over-reaching  spirit.  He  began  the  war,  in- 
deed —  or  rather  the  campaign  —  and  Uncas,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  encouraged  in  his  course  by  his  allies ; 
—  but  a  magnanimous  soul  would  never  have  per- 
mitted either  circumstance  to  affect  the  treatment  of 
a  sovereign  like  himself,  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands 
by  the  chances  of  battle. 

Ninigret  next  became  the  grand  object  of  his  scru- 
tiny. He  went  forward  as  often  as  practicable  to 
prejudice  the  character  of  that  chieftain  in  the  eyes 
of  the  English,  as  well  as  to  reduce  his  resources 
by  direct  attacks.  No  man  was  so  zealous  as  he  in 
furnishing  evidence  —  such  as  it  was  —  to  convict  him 
of  a  conspiracy  with  the  Dutch  against  the  colonies ; 
and  though  he  is  understood  to  have  been  ostensibly 
at  peace  with  him  at  that  period,  he  carried  his  inter- 
ference to  such  a  length  as  to  lay  wait  and  intercept 
a  Niantick  canoe  which,  as  he  pretended  to  suspect, 
was  laden  with  certain  palpable  evidences  of  the  hos- 
tile coalition.  So  we  find  him  falling  upon  Mexham, 
Necwash,  Cooke,  Woosamequin,  and  last  of  all,  King 
Philip.  No  doubt,  he  had  sagacity  enough  to  perceive, 
that  such  a  course  must  prove  unfavorable,  if  not  fatal 
to  his  race ;  but  patriotism,  honor,  friendship,  gener- 
osity, truth,  every  nobler  feeling  of  his  nature  was 
merged  in  a  barbarous,  ferocious  ambition. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  309 

There  is  a  curious  illustration  of  this  weakness  up- 
on record: — "  Vncas  complained  that  Sequasson  sonr 
yeares  sence  as  is  well  knoune  began  hostile  actes 
vpon  him  to  the  desturbance  of  the  publicke  peace. 
Wherevpon  hee  was  ocationed  to  fight  and  in  the  Issue 
ouercame  him  and  conquared  his  Country,  which 
though  hee  gaue  to  the  English  and  did  not  oppose  the 
fauor  they  were  pleased  to  shew  him  in  sparing  his 
life,  yet  hee  cannot  but  look  vpon  himself e  as  wronged,  in 
that  Sequasson,  as  hee  is  informed,  is  set  up  and  endeau- 
oured  to  bee  made  a  great  Sachem,  notwithstanding  hee 
hath  refused  to  pay  an  acknoulidgment  of  Wampum 
to  him  according  to  engagements." 

Of  this  acknowledgement,  no  proof  appears  but 
the  Sachem's  own  assertion ;  and  whether  true  or 
not,  no  real  cause  of  complaint  can  be  gathered  from 
the  whole  context.  The  Commissioners,  with  their 
usual  complaisance,  "  disclaimed  any  Endeauors  of 
theirs  to  make  Sequasson  great,  and  are  ignorant  of 
what  hee  afeirmes  concerning  the  other  [acknowl- 
edgement] yet  recommended  it  to  the  Gouernment 
of  Conecticot  to  examine  the  case,  and  to  provide  vpon 
due  proof e  Vncas  may  be  owned  in  what  may  be  just 
and  eqnall,  and  Mr.  Ludlow  was  entreated  to  pro- 
mote the  same."  This  passage  will  be  found  in  the 
Records  for  1651.  No  subsequent  mention  is  made 
of  the  suit. 

It  might  be  a  subject  of  some  speculation,  what 
were  the  causes  of  the  extraordinary  partiality  of 
the  English  for  Uncas ;  and  especially  what  were  the 
means  whereby  he  counteracted  the  strong  current 
of  reproach  which  set  against  him  from  all  other  quar- 
ters. Different  opinions  have  been  entertained  upon 


310  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

this  point.  We  suppose,  however,  the  Commissioners 
considered  it  good  policy,  to  select  some  one  among 
the  principal  uncivilized  and  unsubjected  Indian  chiefs, 
to  be  made  a  channel  of  intercourse  and  influence  with 
and  over  all.  This  one  would  naturally  be  the  most 
ambitious,  and  at  the  same  time  least  scrupulous  of 
the  number.  Such  was  Uncas ;  and  hence  it  was,  that 
with  his  shrewdness,  he  found  no  difficulty  in  main- 
taining a  tolerably  good  understanding  with  them 
under  all  circumstances.  The  '  Proud  Ninigret '  dis- 
dained the  English  interference.  Massasoit  protected 
rather  than  courted  them.  Sassacus  fought  them  at 
the  first  provocation.  Philip  hated  them  and  kept 
aloof;  and  Miantonomo,  though  he  met  them  and 
treated  them  as  friends,  yet  forgot  not  a  soul  of  his 
own,  more  sovereign  than  his  royal  blood.  But  Uncas 
was  neither  more  nor  less  than  their  humble  servant. 
He  fought  for  them,  and  gave  evidence  for  them, 
with  about  the  same  alacrity,  and  the  same  indiffer- 
ence as  to  subject  or  occasion,  antagonist  or  defendant. 

Whenever  complaints  were  made  against  himself, 
he  of  course  had  resources  for  defence.  There  was 
something  in  the  testimony  he  could  generally  bring 
forward  in  his  favor;  and  still  more  in  the  ingenuity 
of  his  explanations,  or  the  humility  of  his  acknow- 
ledgements and  apologies.  Other  Sachems'  irritated 
by  suspicion  and  accusation,  frequently  committed 
themselves  in  reality  by  rash  speeches  and  rude  acts. 
But  Uncas  never  lost  sight  of  his  interest  in  his  pride. 

The  pliability  of  Indian  evidence,  and  the  manoeu- 
vres of  Indian  politicians,  appear  singularly  in  the 
case  of  Neckwash  Cooke.  Uncas  was  at  New  Haven, 
attending  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners,  in  1646, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  311 

when  one  William  Morton  came  forward,  and  charged 
him  with  having  hired  Wampushet,  a  Pequot  Powah 
then  present,  "  by  himselfe  or  some  other  with  a 
hatchet  to  wounde  another  Indian  and  lay  it  vpon  Neck- 
wash  Cooke"  The  consideration  for  the  bargain  was 
said  to  be  fifteen  fathoms  of  wampum,  and  the  Indian 
was  assaulted  according  to  the  terms.  After  some  in- 
quiry into  the  evidence,  Wampushet  himself  was 
brought  upon  the  stand,  and  questioned  by  the  English 
interpreter.  Much  to  the  astonishment  of  Mr.  Morton, 
and  of  the  Pequots  who  came  into  court  with  him, 
he  cleared  Uncas  and  cast  the  plot  upon  Cooke  him- 
self, and  Robin,  Mr.  Winthrop's  Indian;  and  though 
the  other  two  Pequots,  whereof  one  was  Robin's 
brother,  were  much  offended,  "  and  after  [afterwards] 
said  Uncas  had  hired  him  to  withdrawe  and  alter  his 
chardge,  yet  hee  persisted  and  said  Necwash  Cooke  and 
Robin  had  giuen  him  a  payre  of  breeches  and  prom- 
ised him  twenty-five  fadome  of  wampum  to  cast  the 
plott  vpon  Uncas." 

As  to  the  main  allegation  in  Cooke's  case,  which 
was  proved,  the  Sachem  acknowledged  some  mis- 
carriages or  misdemeanors  in  vindicating  what  he 
called  his  right,  so  near  the  English  plantations, —  but 
alleged  provocation.  Then  follows  the  sentence. 

1.  That  it  was  an  error  to  quarrel  with  Cooke  to 
the  public  disturbance,  without  consent  of  the  English. 

2.  That  to  do  it  near  an  English  plantation  was 
worse  still ;  and  the  Commissioners  required  him  to 
acknowledge  his  fault  to  that  plantation,  (as  he  did  to 
themselves)  and  by  promise  to  secure  them  from  any 
such  disturbance  for  the  future. 

For  Uncas  it  was  an  easy  matter  to  make  such  satis- 


312  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

faction.  But  as  if  it  was  thought  too  harsh  by  those 
who  decreed  it,  they  took  occasion  at  the  same  time 
to  sweeten  the  dispensation  with  promises  of  protec- 
tion and  professions  of  respect.  After  all,  so  strong 
was  the  additional  testimony  advanced  against  him 
on  the  same  matters,  at  the  next  session,  that  they 
were  induced  to  modify  their  decision  as  follows : — 
"  All  which  being  duly  considered  the  insolency  and 
outrage  of  Vncus  and  his  men  appeared  much  more 
heinous  than  the  Complaints  at  Newhaven  the  last 
yeere  imported.  The  Commissioners  (having  the  last 
yeere  ordered  that  Vncus  should  acknowledge  his 
fault  to  the  English  plantation,  which  they  heare  he 
performed  in  Captain  Mason's  presence)  thought  fitt 
now  to  add  that  vpon  the  return  of  the  Pequots  to 
his  subjection  Vncus  foorthwith  pay  into  the  hands 
of  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  to  be  by  him  divided  to  the 
English  and  ould  Pequots  and  other  innocent  Indians, 
towards  the  repaire  of  theire  losses  in  proportion  as 
he  shall  finde  cause,  one  hundred  fathome  of  wampam." 
We  conclude  these  expositions  with  a  literal  copy 
from  Hazard,  of  one  of  the  last  formal  messages  of 
complaint  sent  by  the  Commissioners  to  Uncas,  to- 
gether with  his  answer.  The  date  is  1661 : 

"  Vncus 

We  have  Receiued  Information  and  Complaint 
from  the  Generall  Court  of  Massachusetts  of  youer 
hostile  Invading  of  Wosamequin  and  the  Indians  of 
Ouabakutt  whoe  are  and  longe  haue  bine  Subjects 
to  the  English  killing  some  and  Carrying  away  others 
captiues  spoyling  theire  goods  to  the  vallue  of  33  Ib. 
as  they  alledge,  and  all  this  contrary  to  youer  couenant 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  313 

and  promise  to  the  Comissioners  seuerall  times  Re- 
newed, not  to  make  warr  against  any  of  our  Tribu- 
taries without  the  allowance  of  the  Comissioners  wee 
alsoe  vnderstand  that  the  Generall  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts whose  subjects  the  said  Indians  are,  haue 
formerly  signified  theire  offence  vnto  you  Requiring 
the  Returne  of  youer  Captiues  and  Satisfaction  for  the 
wronge  you  haue  done  to  which  you  haue  not  returned 
any  answare  which  secmes  to  bee  an  Insolent  and  proud 
carriage  of  youers  wee  cannot  but  wonder  att  it  and 
must  beare  witnes  against  it  and  doe  heerby  will  and 
require  you  forthwith  to  returne  the  said  Captiues 
with  due  Satisfaction  for  other  wrongs  done  them  or 
to  make  out  sufficient  grounds  and  Reesons  for  youer 
Invading  the  said  Indians  the  which  you  are  speedily 
to  send  to  the  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  and  if 
it  appeer  they  haue  done  you  any  wronge  vpon  due 
proofe  wee  shall  take  care  that  they  may  make  you 
satisfaction  if  you  shall  neglect  to  obserue  our  order 
and  Injunction  herein  contained;  wee  must  leaue  the 
Massachusetts  to  Right  themselues  as  formerly  signi- 
fyed  vnto  you :  in  which  case  wee  must  oune  and  if 
need  bee  assist  our  Confederates; 

The  Commissioners  of  the  Vnited  Collonies;' 
Plymouth  the  I3th. 
of  September  1661. 

SAMUEL  WILLIS       THOMAS  PRENCE  Presedent 
(Signed)      WILLIAME  LEETE     SIMON  BRADSTREET 
BENJAMIN  FEN        DANIEL  DENISON 

THOMAS  SOUTHWORTH." 

Then  follows  the  answer  given  in  on  behalf  of 
Uncas  by  Major  Mason.  As  nothing  more  is  heard 
of  the  affair,  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  reasons 
alleged  were  considered  sufficient. 


314  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

"  Whereas  there  was  a  warrant  sent  from  the 
Court  of  Boston  dated  in  May  last  to  Vncus  wherein 
it  was  declared  upon  the  Complaint  of  Wesamequen 
that  the  said  Vncus  had  offered  a  great  violence  to 
theire  Subjects  at  quabauk  killing  some  and  taking 
others  captiue ;  which  warrant  came  not  to  Vncus 
aboue  20  daies  before  these  presents  whoe  being  sum- 
moned by  Major  John  Mason  in  the  full  scope  of  the 
said  warrant  wherein  he  was  charged  if  hee  did  not 
Returne  the  Captiues  and  thirty-three  pounds  dam- 
age then  the  Massachusetts  would  Recouer  it  by  force 
of  armes  which  to  him  was  very  grieuous ;  professing 
hee  was  altogether  ignorant  they  were  subjects  belonging 
to  the  Massachusetts  and  further  said  they  were  none  of 
Wesamequen's  men  but  belonging  to  Onopequin  his 
deadly  enemie  whoe  was  there  borne ;  one  of  the  men 
then  taken  was  his  oune  Cousin,  who  had  formerly 
fought  against  him  in  his  oune  person ;  and  yett  sett 
him  at  libertie  and  further  saith  that  all  the  Captiues 
were  sent  home  alsoe  that  Wesamequm's  son  and 
diuers  of  his  men  had  fought  against  him  diuers  times 
this  hee  desired  might  bee  returned  as  his  answare  to 
the  Commissioners." 

Concessions  of  this  nature  it  was — which  no  other 
Indian  Sachem  of  equal  power  ever  submitted  to — 
that  went  farther  than  anything  else  to  keep  Uncas 
secure  in  the  English  favor.  His  actual  services, 
which  were  considerable,  have  been  alluded  to.  His 
tribe  were  an  out-guard  for  the  settlements  in  Con- 
necticut. After  selling  the  town  of  Norwich,  that 
place  being  first  colonized  in  a  period  of  general  ex- 
citement and  hostility  among  the  tribes,  the  Mohegans 
kept  out  spies  and  runners  to  give  the  inhabitants 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  315 

intelligence  of  their  enemies'  movements,  and  were 
a  continual  defence  against  them.  In  times  of  greater 
danger,  they  often  moved,  and  pitched  their  wigwams 
near  the  town.  On  one  occasion,  a  hostile  party  of 
savages  approached  the  outskirts,  on  the  Sabbath, 
with  a  design  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  village ; 
but  viewing  it  from  an  eminence,  and  seeing  the  Mo- 
hegan  huts,  they  were  intimidated,  and  retreated  with- 
out doing  the  least  damage. 

The  sale  just  mentioned  was  but  one  of  a  large 
number  with  which  Uncas  was  always  ready  to  oblige 
his  civilized  friends,  and  which  constituted  another 
claim  to  their  good  will.  In  1648,  on  receiving  presents 
to  his  satisfaction,  he  conveyed  to  the  Governor  and 
Magistrates  of  the  English  on  Connecticut  river  all 
his  lands,  called  by  whatever  name,  reserving  only  the 
ground  then  planted  by  him  for  himself  and  his  tribe. 
In  1641,  he  granted  to  Henry  Whitefield  and  others, 
certain  lands  near  Guilford,  in  consideration  of  four 
coats,  two  kettles,  four  fathoms  of  wampum,  four 
hatchets,  and  three  hoes.  In  1659,  he  granted  all  his 
lands,  with  all  his  corn,  to  his  old  comrade  and  friend, 
Major  John  Mason,  who  the  next  year  surrendered  it 
to  the  Colony  of  Connecticut.  Trumbull  says,  that  the 
individual  towns  in  this  great  tract  were  very  gener- 
ally purchased,  either  of  him  or  his  successors,  a  sec- 
ond or  third  time. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  a  very  late  mention  made  of 
Uncas  in  history,  casts  an  imputation  upon  his  friend- 
ship for  the  English.  "  It  is  suggested  by  them  who 
know  him  best  " —  says  Hubbard  in  his  Narrative  — 
"  that  in  his  heart  he  is  no  better  affected  to  the  Eng- 
lish, or  their  religion,  than  the  rest  of  his  countrymen, 


316  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  that  it  hath  been  his  own  advantage  hath  led 
him  to  be  this  time."  &c.  This  was  written  in  1677. 
Only  two  years  previous,  at  the  commencement  of 
Philip's  war,  it  was  reported  to  governor  Winslow 
of  Plymouth,  that  the  Mohegan  Sachem  had  sent 
twenty  men  to  join  his  Pokanoket  brother,  with  a 
message  that  if  Philip  would  send  him  six  English 
heads,  all  the  Indians  in  his  territories  would  go  for 
him.  Uncas  is  last  heard  of  in  1680,  when  he  must 
have  been  a  very  old  man,  though  still  likely,  we  are 
told,  to  survive  all  his  enemies. 

The  best  comment  on  the  Sachem's  husbandry  of 
his  own  interest  is  perhaps,  after  all,  in  the  fact  that  a 
remnant  of  his  tribe  exists  to  this  day,  (on  a  reserva- 
tion of  about  three  thousand  acres  of  land,)  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Norwich;  they  are  the  only  natives 
yet  lingering  within  the  limits  of  the  state.  The  last 
sachem  of  the  tribe  was  Isaiah  Uncas,  once  a  pupil 
in  the  famous  school  of  Dr.  Wheelock,  at  Lebanon. 
The  following  epitaph,  copied  by  President  Stiles  from 
a  grave-stone  in  the  old  Indian  burial-ground  at  Mohe- 
gan, indicates  the  end  of  the  genealogy : 

Here  lies  the  body  of  Sunseeto, 

Own  son  to  Uncas,  grandson  to  Oneko, 

Who  were  the  famous  sachems  of  Moheagan; 

But  now  they  are  all  dead,  I  think  it  is  Werheegen. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Indians  who  submitted  to  Massachusetts. — The  Gortonists. — Pomham,  Sa- 
chem of  Shaomet,  and  Saconoco  complain  of  them. — Submit  to  the 
Government. — Their  examination  and  entertainment. — Policy  of  Mas- 
sachusetts in  the  case  of  Pomham. — He  and  Saconoco  much  har- 
rassed  by  their  neighbors. — Subsequent  history. — Pomham  takes  part 
in  Philip's  war,  and  is  killed. — Canonchet,  son  of  Miantonomo. — His 
agreement  of  October,  1675. — Weetamore,  Squaw-Sachem  of  Pocasset. 
— Canonchet's  career  during  Philip's  war. — Particulars  of  his  surprisal 
and  death. — His  character. — Anecdotes. — His  reputation  with  the 
English. — Defence  of  his  conduct. 

AMONG  a  considerable  number  of  chieftains  who 
submitted  to  the  Massachusetts  Government, 
were    several    whose    territory    was    without 
their  jurisdiction,   and   in   some   cases   within   that  of 
other  Governments.     The  most  notorious  case  of  this 
kind  is  connected  with  that  much-discussed  transac- 
tion in  which  the  notorious  Gorton  and  his  associates 
were  engaged ;  and  by  which  they  brought  themselves 
into   a   disagreeable   collision   with    civil   and    martial 
authorities  in  all  directions. 

To  explain  that  affair  very  briefly, —  Gorton,  having 
become  obnoxious  as  the  founder  of  a  new  religious 
sect,  left  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction  for  Plymouth. 
Here  he  met  with  much  the  same  treatment.  He  was 
whipped  for  disturbing  the  Church,  and  required  to 
find  sureties  for  his  good  behavior;  which  not  being 

(317) 


318  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

able  to  do,  he  either  removed  or  was  driven  to  Rhode 
Island.  There  he  treated  the  Court  with  contempt, 
and  by  order  of  Governor  Coddington  was  imprisoned 
and  again  whipped.  He  then  took  refuge  in  Provi- 
dence, where  Roger  Williams,  though  he  disliked  his 
principles,  yet  gave  him  shelter.  But  he  had  hardly 
located  himself,  and  begun  to  gather  a  company  of 
disciples  around  him,  when  the  neighboring  English 
settlers  complained  of  him  to  Massachusetts,  under  the 
apprehension  that  he  was  about  to  supplant  their  own 
possessions  by  purchasing  the  Patuxet  territory  from 
the  Narraghansett  original  owners.  Massachusetts 
issued  a  warrant  to  the  Providence  people  to  submit  to 
their  jurisdiction.  Gorton  denied  their  authority  to 
interfere  with  him  or  his  company,  where  they  now 
were  and  signified  this  opinion  in  a  contemptuous 
letter. 

But,  perhaps  for  the  sake  of  being  still  farther 
out  of  the  reach  of  Massachusetts,  or  from  discord 
among  themselves,  the  Gortonists  soon  removed  to 
a  tract  of  land  called  by  the  Indians  Shaomet  or  Sho- 
wamet,  (since  Warwick  in  Rhode  Island,)  having 
previously  purchased  it  of  Miantonomo,  for  the  con- 
sideration of  one  hundred  and  forty-four  fathoms  of 
wampum,  "  with  the  free  and  joint  consent,  [as  the 
deed  itself  is  expressed]  of  the  present  inhabitants, 
being  natives."  The  instrument  was  dated  January  12, 
1642-3,  and  was  subscribed  with  a  bow  and  arrow  as 
the  mark  of  the  grantor,  and  of  a  hatchet,  a  gun,  &c., 
as  the  marks  of  "  the  Sachem  of  Shaomet,  Pomham," 
and  other  Indians.  Possession  was  given  upon  the 
premises,  at  the  same  time. 

From   this   moment,    Pomham, —  who,   though    he 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  319 

signed  the  deed  of  conveyance,  and  was  offered  a 
share  of  the  consideration,  (which  he  would  not 
accept,)  affected  to  consider  himself  aggrieved, — 
neither  gave  rest  to  his  neighbors,  nor  found  any  for 
himself.  Whether,  according  to  the  relation  which 
existed  between  himself  and  Miantonomo,  and  the 
customary  degree  of  subjection  attached  to  it,  he  had 
reason  to  complain  of  that  chieftain  in  the  present 
case,  cannot  be  well  decided.  But  it  may  be  safely 
said,  that  the  part  soon  afterwards  taken  by  Massa- 
chusetts, was  at  least  an  unusual  stretch  of  authority, 
however  it  might  correspond  with  the  general  policy 
of  that  government  wherever  the  formidable  Narra- 
ghansett  Sachem  was  concerned. 

Whether  at  his  own  suggestion  or  that  of  others, 
Pomham,  and  Saconoco,  a  Sachem  equally  interested 
in  the  land,  but  otherwise  of  no  note  in  history,  went 
to  Boston  a  few  months  after  the  sale,  and  by  an  inter- 
preter made  complaints  of  the  manoeuvres  of  the  Gor- 
tonists  whereby,  as  they  alleged,  Miantonomo  had  been 
induced  to  compel  them  to  an  arbitrary  disposal  of 
their  territory.  They  further  desired  to  be  received 
under  the  protection  of  Massachusetts,  and  withal 
brought  a  small  present  of  wampum.  The  matter 
being  referred  to  the  next  Court,  and  Gorton  and  Mian- 
tonomo notified  to  attend,  the  latter  made  his  appear- 
ance. He  was  required  to  prove  the  interest  he  had 
claimed  in  the  Shaomet  Sachems  and  territory,  but  it 
is  said  he  could  prove  none ;  and  upon  the  testimony 
of  Cutchamequin  and  other  Indians  who  were  present, 
it  appeared  that  the  Shaomet  chiefs  were  not  tributary 
to  the  Narraghansett,  though  they  sometimes  made 
him  presents, —  a  mark  of  deference  and  not  of  sub- 


320  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

jection.  Upon  this  an  order  was  passed,  authorizing 
the  Governor  and  certain  magistrates  to  treat  with  the 
applicants  at  their  discretion. 

These  Commissioners  soon  after  conferred  with 
the  Sachems ;  and,  giving  them  to  understand  upon 
what  terms  they  should  be  received,  "  they  found  them 
very  pliable  to  all."  So,  indeed,  it  might  be  inferred 
from  the  answers  made  by  the  Sachems  to  the  requi- 
sitions touching  the  ten  commandments.  The  servility 
which  some  of  them  indicate  —  as  represented  in  the 
Commissioners'  report,  at  least, —  is  hardly  redeemed 
by  the  shrewd  simplicity  of  others. 

Being  asked  if  they  would  worship  the  true  God, 
and  not  blaspheme  him,  they  waived  the  first  clause, 
and  replied  thus  to  the  latter.  "  We  desire  to  speak 
reverently  of  the  Englishman's  God,  and  not  to  speak 
evil,  because  we  see  the  Englishman's  God  doth  better 
for  them  than  other  Gods  do  for  others." 

As  to  '  swearing  falsely,'  they  replied,  that  they 
never  knew  what  swearing  was,  or  what  an  oath  was. 
As  to  working  unnecessarily  on  the  Christian  Sabbath, 
— "  It  is  a  small  thing,"  answered  they,  "  for  us  to  rest 
on  that  day,  for  we  have  not  much  to  do  any  day,  and 
therefore  we  will  forbear  on  that  day." 

In  regard  to  honoring  parents  and  seniors,  they 
said,  "  It  is  our  custom  to  do  so,  for  when  we  com- 
plain to  the  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  that  we 
have  wrong,  if  they  tell  us  we  lie,  we  shall  patiently 
bear  it."  The  following  articles  are  also  part  of  the 
report : 

5.  Not  to  kill  any  man  but  upon  just  cause  and 
good  authority,  &c.  Answer.  It  is  good,  and  we 
desire  to  do  so. 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  321 

6.  Not  to  commit  fornication,  stealing  &c.  Answer. 
Though  they  be  committed  among  us,  we  allow  it 
not,  but  judge  it  evil. 

8.  For  lying,  they  say  it  is  an  evil,  and  shall  not 
allow  it.  And  finally,  as  to  being  christianized,  they 
said,  "  as  opportunity  serveth  by  the  English  coming 
among  us,  we  desire  to  learn  their  manners." 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  right  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  interfere  in  this  case,  and  especially  of 
the  policy  of  interfering  as  regarded  the  Narraghan- 
setts  and  other  colonies,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
the  submission  itself,  so  far  as  concerned  the  appli- 
cants, was  conducted  with  the  honesty,  as  well  as 
civility,  generally  characteristic  of  the  intercourse  of 
that  Government  with  the  natives. 

The  Governor  having  sent  for  the  Sachems  to 
appear  at  Boston  on  the  22d  of  April,  (1643)  they 
attended,  with  their  interpreter.  The  submission  was 
then  explained  to  their  entire  satisfaction.  They  were 
also  expressly  informed,  that  they  were  not  to  be 
considered  confederates,  but  subjects,  to  which  they 
manifested  their  assent.  So,  adds  the  historian,  they 
dined  in  the  same  room  with  the  Governor,  at  a  table 
by  themselves,  and  having  much  countenance  shown 
them  by  all  present,  and  being  told  that  they  and  their 
men  should  always  be  welcome  to  the  English,  pro- 
vided they  brought  a  note  from  Benedict  Arnold  (their 
interpreter,)  and  having  some  small  things  bestowed 
upon  them  by  the  Governor,  they  departed  joyful  and 
well  satisfied.  The  submission  was  as  follows : 

'  This  writing  is  to  testify,  that  we,  Pomham, 
Sachem  of  Showamet,  and  Sachonocho,  Sachem  of 
Patuxet,  have  and  by  these  presents  do  voluntarily 

M.  of  H.— XXX— 21 


322  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  without  any  constraint  or  persuasion,  but  of  our 
own  free  motion,  put  ourselves,  our  subjects,  lands 
and  estates  under  the  government  and  jurisdiction  of 
Massachusetts,  to  be  governed  and  protected  by  them 
according  to  their  just  laws  and  orders,  so  far  as  we 
shall  be  made  capable  of  understanding  them  ;  and  we 
do  promise,  for  ourselves,  our  subjects,  and  all  our 
posterity,  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  Government 
and  aiding  to  the  maintenance  thereof  to  our  best  abil- 
ity; and  from  time  to  give  speedy  notice  of  any  con- 
spiracy, attempt,  or  -evil  intentions  of  any  we  shall 
know  or  hear  of  against  the  same,  and  do  promise  to 
be  willing  from  time  to  time  to  be  instructed  in  the 
we  have  hereunto  put  our  hands  the  22d  of  the  4th 
month,  1643. 


mark  The  ^)  mark 

of  Saconoco.  of  Pomham." 

Thus  was  consummated  the  title  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Shaomet  land.  It  was  at  this 
very  time,  as  well  as  afterwards,  claimed  also  by  Ply- 
mouth, and  by  Rhode  Island.  Gorton  always  alleged, 
that  it  belonged  to  Miantonomo,  and  that  Pomham 
was  secretly  influenced  by  Massachusetts  to  with- 
draw from  him  and  seek  protection  under  their  author- 
ity, No  doubt  that  Government  was  sufficiently  aware 
of  the  interest  they  had,  not  only  in  humbling  the 
Gortonists,  but  in  extending  their  jurisdiction  as  far 
as  possible  towards  or  into  the  territory  of  the  Narra- 
ghansett  chieftain,  then,  as  Hutchinson  calls  him,  the 
greatest  and  most  powerful  sachem  of  New  England. 
Speaking  of  the  petition  of  certain  settlers,  in  1645, 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  323 

for  permission  to  begin  a  plantation,  where  Gorton 
and  his  company  had  erected  three  or  four  small  houses 
"  on  the  land  of  Pomham,  who  had  submitted  himself," 
&c.  Mr.  Winthrop  himself  states,  that  the  Court 
readily  granted  their  petition,  promising  all  encourage- 
ment, &c. — "for  it  was  of  great  concernment  to  all  the 
English  in  these  parts,  that  a  strong  plantation  should 
be  there  as  a  bulwark  &r!  against  the  Narraghansetts."  It 
may  be,  that  this  consideration  assumed,  in  the  view 
of  the  Massachusetts  Government,  the  imperious  in- 
terest of  what  is  commonly  called  State-necessity. 

Hence  the  measures  occasionally  adopted  subse- 
quent to  the  submission,  for  affording  Pomham  the 
promised  relief;  a  policy  which  certainly  accorded 
better  with  their  stipulations  to  him,  than  with  their 
relations  to  some  other  parties.  The  Gortonists  har- 
assed him  beyond  measure,  but  they  were  at  length 
subdued.  The  Narraghansetts,  (after  Miantonomo's 
death,)  threatened  and  frightened  him  still  more.  In 
April  1645,  "  that  it  might  really  appear  that  the  Massa- 
chusetts did  own  and  would  protect  him,"  which  would 
seem  to  have  been  heretofore  doubted,  an  order  was 
taken  for  sending  men  and  an  officer  to  Shaomet  to 
stay  there  a  few  days,  and  act  on  the  defensive  against 
the  Narraghansetts.  These  men  being  volunteers,  how- 
ever, refused  to  go,  unless  they  were  each  paid  ten 
shillings  a  week,  furnished  with  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  allowed  such  booty  as  they  might  be  able  to  collect 
in  case  of  fighting.  Whereupon  the  Court,  not  choos- 
ing to  establish  such  a  precedent,  sent  word  to  Pom- 
ham,  that  the  required  force  wrould  be  at  his  disposal, 
whenever  he  should  forward  sufficient  funds  to  enable 


324  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

them  to  perform.  On  the  earnest  importunity  of  the 
Sachem,  early  in  May,  his  request  was  finally  granted ; 
and,  with  the  aid  of  the  English,  he  erected  a  fort  upon 
his  lands. 

This  was  in  1646.  But  Pomham  and  Sacanoco 
wrere  not  destined  quietly  to  enjoy  their  possessions, 
as  the  following  detail  from  Mr.  Winthrop's  records 
for  1647,  will  abundantly  illustrate.  The  Gortonists 
had  at  that  ^period  returned  to  Shaomet,  which  they 
now  named  Warwick ;  and,  as  the  Sachems  alleged 
before  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies, 
manifested  a  decided  disposition  "  for  eating  up  all 
their  corn,  with  their  cattle."  &c.  These  function- 
aries hereupon  wrote  to  certain  persons  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  premises,  to  view  the  damages,  and  require 
satisfaction ;  which  process  however,  had  scarcely  been 
commenced,  when  Justice  Coggleshall  and  others  from 
Rhode  Island  came  to  Shaomet,  claimed  jurisdiction 
for  that  colony  over  the  land  in  question,  and  for- 
bade the  appraisers  to  proceed.  Upon  this,  the  latter 
returned  home.  Another  warrant  was  issued,  with 
the  same  result.  Pomham  was  reduced  to  extrem- 
ities ;  but  still  undiscouraged,  he  renewed  his  com- 
plaints once  more.  Massachusetts  now  sent  three 
special  messengers,  to  demand  satisfaction  of  the  tres- 
passers, and  to  warn  them  to  leave  the  territory.  The 
application  did  no  good ;  and  therefore,  "  as  we  could 
do  no  more  at  the  present,"  writes  Mr.  Winthrop, 
"  we  procured  the  Indians  some  corn  in  the  mean  time." 
The  measures  subsequently  taken  for  redress,  it  would 
be  alike  tedious  and  needless  to  enumerate. 

As  to  Pomham,  with  whom  we  have  chiefly  to  do, 
it  must  be  confessed,  that  his  character  assumes  but 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  325 

little  dignity  throughout  this  proceeding.  In  after 
times,  his  career  was  occasionally  more  independent, 
while  at  the  same  time  it  gave  evidence  that  his  early 
attachment  to  the  English  was  by  no  means  one  of 
indissoluble  affection,  or  of  principle  sacred  in  his 
own  eyes.  It  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  after 
all  the  trouble  and  expense  taken  and  incurred  by 
and  between  the  colonies,  and  especially  by  Massa- 
chusetts, for  his  protection;  and  notwithstanding  the 
authorities  of  the  latter  government  fondly  and  we 
trust  sincerely  represented  his  submission  as  the  fruit 
of  their  prayers,  and  the  first  fruit  of  their  hopes,  in 
the  great  process  of  civilizing  and  christianizing  the 
natives ;  this  incorrigible  savage  not  only  loosened 
his  connexion  with  the  English,  but  engaged  against 
them,  with  his  whole  force  and  influence,  in  the  great 
war  of  King  Philip. 

That  course,  fatal  as  it  was  to  himself  and  his  in- 
terest, was  upon  the  whole  the  most  creditable  pass- 
age of  his  life.  And  once  adopted,  he  pursued  it  with 
an  energy  that  altogether  sets  aside  any  doubts  which 
his  former  course  might  suggest,  in  regard  to  his  real 
temperament  and  genius.  Even  Philip  was  scarcely 
more  feared  than  Pomham.  Historians  universally, 
while  they  now  call  him  a  Narraghansett,  as  evidently 
he  had  determined  to  consider  himself,  place  him  in 
the  highest  rank  among  the  Sachems  of  that  warlike 
and  powerful  tribe.  He  did  not  even  pretend  to  neu- 
trality in  the  early  part  of  the  war,  as  they  did.  He 
did  not  sign  either  the  treaty  of  July,  (1675)  negoti- 
ated at  the  point  of  the  English  bayonet  in  his  own 
territory,  or  the  submission  executed  in  October  fol- 
lowing at  Boston,  although  upon  the  latter  occasion 


326  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

one  of  his  fellow-chieftains  affected  to  sign  for  him. 
This,  at  best,  like  every  other  part  and  circumstance 
of  the  compromise,  was  a  mere  artifice,  meant  to  divert 
the  Government  by  a  show  of  satisfaction  and  amity. 

During  Philip's  war  the  territory  of  Pomham  was 
ravaged  far  and  wide,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
wigwams  destroyed  by  fire  at  one  time,  in  December, 
1675.  Whether  this  chief  was  in  the  decisive  and 
bloody  battle  of  the  19th,  or  in  what  other  engagements 
he  was  during  the  war,  history  does  not  determine. 
He  was  finally  slain  in  July,  1676,  a  few  weeks  previ- 
ous to  the  death  of  Philip,  and  the  consequent  close 
of  that  contest,  the  most  critical  and  the  most  furious 
ever  waged  between  the  red  man  and  the  white. 
Great  was  the  exultation  of  the  conquerors  over  this 
first  success,  so  encouraging  to  themselves,  and  so 
disastrous  to  their  savage  and  terrible  foes.  The  event 
took  place  in  the  neighborhood  of  Dedham,  (in  Massa- 
chusetts) where  Pomham,  with  a  small  band  of  faith- 
ful warriors,  half-starved  and  desperate,  were  still 
roaming  the  woods  in  the  close  vicinity  of  the  English 
settlements.  About  fifty  Indians  were  captured ;  and 
the  Sachem  seems  to  have  been  the  only  man  of 
the  company  who  would  not  be  taken  alive.  ''  That 
which  increased  the  victory,"  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "  was 
the  slaughter  of  Pomham,  which  was  one  of  the  Stout- 
est Sachems  that  belonged  to  the  Narraghansetts." 

His  spirit  and  strength  was  such,  that  after  being 
mortally  wounded  in  the  fight,  so  that  he  could  not 
stand,  he  caught  hold  of  an  English  soldier  who  came 
near  him,  and  had  nearly  destroyed  him  by  his  vio- 
lence, when  the  poor  fellow  was  rescued  by  his  com- 
rades, and  the  dying  chieftain  relieved  at  once  from 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  327 

his  agony  and  his  foes.  He  had  little  to  live  for,  had 
there  been  a  disposition  to  spare  him.  His  territory 
was  long  since  subjected  to  a  foreign  power  by  his 
own  act,  and  afterwards  desolated.  His  subjects  were 
dispersed  and  destroyed.  His  grandson  had  been 
slain  in  the  field  within  a  few  months;  and  among 
the  captives  at  the  time  of  his  own  fall,  historians 
particularly  notice  one  of  his  sons ;  "  a  very  likely 
youth,  and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  be- 
spoke favor  for  him,  had  he  not  belonged  to  so  bloody 
and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his  father  was."  This 
unfortunate  lad  was  probably  executed,  by  order  of 
the  Plymouth  government,  together  with  the  other 
principal  captives  of  the  last  months  of  the  war.  At 
best,  he  was  spared,  like  the  son  of  Philip,  only  to  be 
enslaved  in  a  foreign  land. 

Among  other  distinguished  chieftains  of  the  Nar- 
raghansett  tribe,  who  perished  much  in  the  same 
manner,  and  about  the  same  time  with  the  last  named, 
was  Nanuntenoo  or  Quananshett,  commonly  called 
by  the  English  Canonchet.  He  was  the  son  of  Mian- 
tonomo,  and  probably,  after  the  death  of  Mexham 
and  Pessacus,  succeeded  to  his  father's  high  rank, — 
being  generally  entitled  by  historians  the  Chief-Sachem 
of  his  tribe.  His  reputation,  both  with  his  country- 
men and  his  foes,  was  worthy  of  the  noble  blood  in 
his  veins.  Mr.  Trumbull  observes,  that  he  inherited 
all  his  father's  pride,  and  all  his  insolence  and  hatred 
towards  the  English.  What  is  still  more  conclusive 
in  his  favor,  Mr.  Hubbard  calls  him  a  '  damned  wretch/ 
enlarges  upon  his  cruelty  and  blasphemy,  and  exults 
over  his  final  destruction.  This  —  not  the  facts  al- 
leged, (which  are  wholly  without  proof,)  but  the 


328  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

assertion  —  furnishes,  as  a  modern  writer  has  aptly 
remarked,  irresistible  evidence  of  his  heroic  character. 

There  is  abundant  other  evidence,  however,  to  the 
same  effect.  The  only  ostensible  deference  of  any  des- 
cription which  he  ever  paid  to  an  English  authority 
—  detesting,  as  unquestionably  he  did,  their  very 
name  —  was  the  act  of  subscribing  the  celebrated 
treaty  of  October  1675,  negotiated  at  Boston.  The 
object  of  it  was  to  quiet  the  jealousy  of  the  English, 
who  suspected  him  of  having  contracted  engagements 
with  Philip.  One  provision  went  to  ratify  a  treaty 
executed  at  Hartford  during  the  month  of  July  pre- 
vious, (by  four  of  the  Narraghansett  Sachems,  nomin- 
ally in  behalf  of  all.)  Another  and  the  principal  one, 
was  expressed  thus : 

"  And  whereas  a  considerable  Number  of  people 
both  men  weomen  and  Children  appertaining  to  those 
Indians  who  haue  bin  in  actuall  hostilitie  against  the 
English  are  now  fled  to  the  Narraghansetts  Countrey ; 
and  are  vnder  the  Custody  of  the  said  Sachem  there; 
after  a  full  and  long  Conference  had  concerning  that 
matter,  wee  doe  in  the  Name  and  by  the  Power  to 
vs  given  and  betrusted  in  the  behalf  of  the  Sachems  of 
the  aboue  said  Countrey  fully  and  absolutely  coue- 
nant  and  promise  to  and  with  the  aboue  named  Com- 
missioners att  or  before  the  28th  Day  of  this  Instant 
month  of  October  to  deliuer  or  cause  to  be  deliuered 
all  and  euery  one  of  the  Said  Indians,  whether  belong- 
ing vnto  Philip :  the  Pocasset  Sqva  or  the  Saconett 
Indians  Quabaug  hadley  or  any  other  Sachems ;  or 
people  that  haue  bin  or  are  in  hostilitie  with  the  Eng- 
lish or  any  of  tlieier  Allies  or  abettors;  and  these  wee 
promise  and  Couenant  to  deliuer  att  Boston  to  tb* 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  329 

Governor  and  Councell  there  by  them  to  be  disposed 
in  the  behalfe  of  and  for  the  best  securitie  and  peace 
of  the  Vnited  Collonies. 


Sealed  and  deliuered  in 
the  presence  of  vs. 

EUANANCHETTS  marke. 

achem  in  the  behalfe  of  himselfe  and 

IAMES  BROWN  Conanacus  and  the  old  Gueen  and  Pom- 

SAMUEL  GORTON  IUNR.    ham  and  Quanapeen.  (Seal) 

Interpreters        MANATANNOO  Councellor 
JOHN  NOWHENETTS      mark          his  marke. 

Indian  Interpreters:        and  Canannacus  in  his  behalfe 

(Seal) 

AHANMANPOWETTS  marke 

Councellor  and  his  (Seal) 

CORNMAN  cheiffe  Councellor  to 
NINNIGRETT  in  his  behalfe  and  a  (Seal.)" 


It  is  well  known,  how  speedily  the  execution  of 
this  instrument  was  followed  up  by  sending  a  strong 
English  force  to  invade  the  Narraghansett  territory, 
and  subdue  that  spirited  people  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  Canonchet  is  supposed  to  have  been  enga- 
ged in  the  great  swamp-fight,  the  most  fatal  to  the  In- 
dians, and  they  most  desperately  fought  upon  their 
part,  of  the  whole  war.  It  continued  to  rage  with 
the  utmost  violence  for  three  hours  from  the  moment 
of  assault,  until  the  enemy's  wigwams,  to  the  number 
of  five  or  six  hundred,  were  fired,  and  the  field  of 
contest  became  almost  instantaneously  an  immense 
mass  of  terrific  conflagration.  The  Savages,  inspirited 
by  their  leaders,  defended  every  wall  and  post  with 
the  fury  of  maniacs;  and  when  they  at  length  slowly 
retreated,  they  left  the  ground  behind  them  encum- 
bered with  heaps  of  the  slain.  Quarter  was  neither 
asked  nor  given.  Three  hundred  of  the  Narraghan- 


330  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

setts,  at  the  least  estimate,  are  supposed  to  have  been 
killed,  besides  more  than  double  that  number  wounded, 
and  an  unknown  multitude  of  women,  children  and 
old  men  burnt  in  the  wigwams. 

But  the  victory  was  dearly  bought.  Of  the  one 
thousand  English  soldiers  of  which  the  civilized  por- 
tion of  the  invading  army  consisted,  according  to  their 
own  statement,  eighty  were  killed  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  wounded.  Abandoning  the  captured  fort, 
they  retreated  sixteen  miles  the  same  night  —  and  that 
in  the  depth  of  winter  —  leaving  the  enemy  to  return 
the  next  day  to  their  former  position. 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  discuss  at  length  the  pro- 
priety of  the  summary  course  adopted  by  the  colo* 
nies  in  this  case.  The  principal  offence  of  the  Nar- 
raghansetts,  as  set  forth  in  the  Manifesto,  was  their 
evasion  and  delay  in  surrendering  the  hostile  Indians 
who  took  refuge  in  their  country.  This  refusal  was 
certainly  inconsistent  with  the  stipulations  of  July 
and  October  preceding;  but  these  stipulations  were 
enforced  in  the  first  instance  by  the  presence  of  an 
English  army,  which  had  already  invaded  the  Narra- 
ghansett  territory. 

Those  of  the  tribe  who  made  proposals  of  peace, 
immediately  after  the  swamp-fight,  imputed  the  blame 
of  hostilities  wholly  to  Canonchet.  He  had  made  them 
believe,  that  by  the  former  treaty  they  were  not  ob- 
liged to  surrender  Philip's  followers  until  his  brother 
(who,  with  three  other  Indians  of  rank,  was  de- 
tained as  a  hostage  at  Hartford,)  had  been  released. 
Probably,  Canonchet  did  not  himself  misunderstand 
the  plain  provisions  of  that  instrument,  although,  as 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  331 

he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  present  at  the  exe- 
cution of  it,  it  might  be  misrepresented  to  him.  It 
is  more  likely,  that  he  considered  it  an  absolute  null- 
ity, as  having  been  obtained  by  force,  unjustly  and 
insultingly  imposed.  The  construction  referred  to  by 
his  subjects,  he  countenanced  with  the  view  of  over- 
coming scruples  on  their  part  in  the  protection  of 
Philip's  Indians.  Whether  that  protection  —  inde- 
pendently of  the  forced  promise  to  surrender  the  re- 
fugees —  was  or  was  not  a  sufficient  cause  for  the  war 
which  ensued,  it  must  be  allowed  at  least  to  do  no 
dishonor  to  the  humanity  and  honor  of  Canonchet, 
and  the  other  Sachems,  who  persisted  in  that  policy 
at  every  hazard  and  almost  in  the  very  face  of  their 
enemy.  With  him  and  them  it  was  unquestionably 
a  measure  of  sacred  principle.  No  noble-minded  chief- 
tain upon  the  Continent,  educated  as  an  Indian  chief- 
tain always  is,  would  have  given  up  men  who  ap- 
pealed to  their  hospitality  —  their  own  brethren,  in 
distress  and  nakedness,  driven  before  the  bayonet  of 
a  mortal  enemy  of  a  distinct  race  and  of  vastly  super- 
ior power  —  and  least  of  all,  when,  if  surrendered, 
they  were  surrendered  to  a  certain  alternative  of 
slavery  or  death.  Some  of  this  tribe  would  have  com- 
promitted  their  dignity  through  fear,  but  not  the  son 
of  Miantonomo.  "  Deliver  the  Indians  of  Philip !" 
said  the  haughty  sachem  at  one  time  — "  Never !  Not 
a  Wampanoag  will  I  ever  give  up.  No! — not  the 
paring  of  a  Wampanoag's  nail !" 

Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  history  of  the 
war  will  recollect,  that  the  most  critical  period  of  it 
was  immediately  subsequent  to  the  swamp-fight. 
This  was  owing  to  the  desperate  exertions  of  the 


332  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Narraghansetts,  and  especially  Canonchet  and  their 
other  Sachems.  They  were  indeed  driven  about  the 
country  far  and  wide,  and  reduced  to  such  extremi- 
ties for  food,  that  corn  sold  for  two  shillings  a  pint; 
but  their  sufferings  only  Anade  them  the  more  fero- 
cious and  the  more  bold.  "  That  young  insolent 
Sachem,  Canonchet,  (writes  Mr.  Hubbard,  in  his  usual 
complimentary  style,)  said  they  would  fight  it  out  to 
the  last  man,  rather  than  they  would  become  servants 
to  the  English." 

The  destruction  of  Lancaster  took  place  early  in 
February.  Medfield  was  desolated  ten  days  after- 
wards ;  and  in  March  happened  that  memorable  en- 
gagement, not  far  from  Providence  and  upon  ancient 
Narraghansett  ground,  in  which  Captain  Pierce  with 
his  detachment,  to  the  number  of  fifty  English  soldiers, 
were  cut  off  to  a  man.  Canonchet  commanded  in  this 
affair.  The  spirit  of  his  warriors,  as  well  as  the  super- 
iority of  the  English  skill  in  the  use  of  their  arms,  ap- 
pears from  the  fact  that  the  Indians  lost  between  one 
and  two  hundred  killed.  Warwick,  Seekonk,  and 
Providence  were  next  successively  ravaged  by  the 
victorious  foe.  Plymouth  was  assaulted,  and  eleven 
of  the  inhabitants  slaughtered ;  and  another  party  had 
the  courage  to  commit  horrible  ravages  within  eleven 
miles  of  Boston  itself.  The  prospects  of  Philip  were 
never  so  flattering  to  himself  and  so  disastrous  to  the 
English,  as  at  this  memorable  juncture,  when  the  exas- 
perated  and  fearless  son  of  Miantonomo  was  support^ 
ing  him  with  the  whole  force  of  his  dominions. 

The  manner  in  which  the  Narraghansett  Sachems 
treated  Roger  Williams,  at  this  period,  amid  all  the 
excitement  of  suffering  on  the  one  side  and  success 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  333 

on  the  other,  is  worthy  of  everlasting  remembrance. 
That  gentleman  was  one  of  the  few  English  who 
remained  at  Providence,  exposed  to  the  full  torrent 
of  war,  and  with  no  other  security  than  such  as  he 
attributed  to  long  acquaintance,  friendship,  and  good 
faith,  with  those  who  were  now  become  the  inveter- 
ate enemies,  and  were  openly  calculating  upon  the 
utter  extermination  of  his  race.  He  had  even  the 
hardihood  to  reproach  some  of  the  Sachems  who  fre- 
quently came  to  converse  with  him,  for  their  cruelties ; 
and  to  threaten  them  with  the  sure,  though  it  might 
be  lingered  vengeance  of  the  English.  "  Massachu- 
setts," said  he,  "  can  raise  thousands  of  men  at  this 
moment ;  and  if  you  kill  them,  the  King  of  England 
will  supply  their  place  as  fast  as  they  fall."  "  Well !" 
answered  one  of  the  chieftains,  "  let  them  come.  We 
are  ready  for  them. —  But  as  for  you, —  Brother  Wil- 
liams,—  you  are  a  good  man, —  you  have  been  kind  to 
us  many  years. —  Not  a  hair  of  your  head  shall  be 
touched."  This  noble  pledge,  bearing  upon  the  face 
of  it  the  mark  of  the  chivalrous  spirit  of  Canonchet, 
was  regarded  throughout  the  war  with  the  most  sacred 
fidelity.  It  was  not  in  vain  that  the  young  Sachem 
remembered  the  warm  affection  which  his  father  had 
entertained  for  his  English  neighbor  and  confidant. 

But  to  resume  the  narrative ; — "  It  was  now  full 
sea  with  Philip's  affairs,"  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "  for 
soon  after  the  tide  of  his  successes  began  to  turn 
about  the  coast,  which  made  way  for  the  falling  of  the 
water  up  higher  in  the  country."  The  disasters  of  the 
Pokanoket  Sachem  commenced  with  no  less  a  mis- 
fortune than  the  death  of  Canonchet.  And  a  matter 
of  rejoicing  indeed  it  was  to  the  Colonies  of  the  Eng- 


334  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

lish  —  if  we  may  credit  the  historian  last  cited  — "  that 
the  ring-leader  of  almost  all  the  mischief,  and  the 
great  incendiary  bewixt  the  Narraghansetts  and  us, 
died  himself  by  that  sword  of  war  which  he  had  drawn 
against  others."  The  last  assertion  might  perhaps 
have  been  spared  to  some  advantage,  but  the  epithets 
furnish  the  best  evidence  in  favor  of  the  subject  of 
them  which  the  case  could  be  supposed  to  present. 

Early  in  April,  it  seems,  Canonchet,  weary  of  de- 
solating the  towns  of  the  English,  had  betaken  him- 
self to  the  Indian  haunts  on  the  Connecticut  river. 
Here  he  continued  to  take  a  most  active  part  in  the 
war;  the  whole  body  of  the  savages  to  the  Westward 
trusting,  (as  our  eulogist  expresses  himself,)  under 
the  shadow  of  that  aspiring  bramble.  Nor  was  it  in 
battle  only  that  they  placed  reliance  on  his  courage  and 
genius.  It  was  necessary,  as  it  was  difficult,  to  pro- 
vide the  means  of  sustenance,  from  day  to  day,  for 
something  like  one  thousand  five  hundred  warriors, 
with  their  women  and  children.  Canonchet  suggested 
the  plan  of  planting  the  lands  on  the  West  bank  of 
the  river,  recently  taken  from  the  English.  But  how 
should  even  the  means  of  planting  be  obtained?  A 
council  was  summoned  to  solve  this  question ;  but  not 
a  man  could  be  found  who  would  hazard  his  life,  at  this 
season,  in  that  section  of  the  country  where  corn  must 
be  procured.  The  Sachem  himself  went  forward,  and 
proposed,  with  the  assistance  of  thirty  volunteers,  who 
soon  found  courage  to  second  him,  to  undertake  a 
journey  to  Seekonk,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Mon- 
taup,  the  old  residence  of  Philip. 

The  adventure  proved  fatal  to  him.  On  the  27th 
of  March,  Captain  Dennison,  of  Connecticut,  had 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  335 

commenced  a  volunteer  expedition  against  the  enemy, 
with  about  fifty  English  soldiers,  and  eighty  Nian- 
tick,  Pequot  and  Mohegan  Indians,  severally  com- 
manded by  Catapazet,  Casasinamon  and  Oneco.  By 
the  time  Canonchet  reached  Seekonk,  where  he  en- 
camped on  Blackstone  river  near  the  Pawtucket  falls. 
Dennison's  party,  following  the  sea-coast,  had  arrived 
in  the  same  neighborhood.  The  former  was  so  little 
apprehensive  of  danger,  that  he  dismissed  all  his  thirty 
attendants  but  seven.  The  English,  on  the  other  hand, 
received  the  first  intimation  of  his  being  near  them, 
from  two  old  straggling  squaws,  who  confessed,  on 
being  captured,  that  Canonchet  was  not  far  off.  The 
intelligence  put  new  life  into  the  weary  soldiers,  and 
they  pressed  forward  till  they  came  upon  fresh  tracks, 
and  these  brought  them  in  view  of  a  cluster  of  wig- 
wams on  the  bank  of  the  river. 

In  one  of  those  wigwams  Canonchet  was  at  this 
moment  reposing  from  the  fatigues  of  his  journey. 
His  seven  remaining  followers  sat  around  him ;  and 
he  entertained  them  with  the  recital  of  the  bloody 
victory  of  Pierce's  detachment,  which  had  taken  place 
but  a  week  or  two  before.  Suddenly  the  speaker 
suspended  his  narrative.  His  silent  audience  started 
to  their  feet,  and  stood  aghast.  The  trained  ear  of 
the  savage  had  already  detected  the  approach  of  an 
enemy.  Two  of  the  company  were  immediately  des- 
patched to  the  summit  of  the  hill,  at  the  foot  of  which 
the  wigwam  was  situated.  These  men,  frightened  by 
the  near  approach  of  the  English,  who  were  now  (says 
Hubbard,)  mounting  with  great  speed  over  a  fair 
champagna  on  the  other  side  of  the  hill,  ran  by,  as  if 
they  wanted  time  to  tell  what  they  saw.  A  third 


336  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

was  sent,  who  executed  his  errand  no  better.  But 
of  two  others  who  were  sent  up,  one  had  the  courage 
to  return  and  inform  the  Sachem,  in  great  haste  and 
trepidation,  that  the  whole  English  army  was  upon 
him. 

Canonchet  had  no  means  of  defence,  and  no  time 
for  deliberation.  He  could  only  attempt  an  escape 
by  running  round  the  hill  opposite  his  pursuers ;  and 
he  had  not  gone  far  in  that  direction,  when  Catapazet, 
with  twenty  of  his  followers,  and  a  few  of  the  Eng- 
lish who  were  lightest  of  foot,  nearly  intercepted  him 
as  they  descended  the  hill,  and  immediately  com- 
menced vigorous  and  close  pursuit.  Canonchet  was 
a  fleet  runner,  but  the  swiftest  of  Catapazet's  men 
began  to  gain  upon  him.  He  threw  off  his  blanket, 
and  then  a  silver-laced  coat  which  had  been  given 
him  on  the  renewal  of  his  league  at  Boston.  His 
wampum  belt  was  finally  abandoned;  and  this  betray- 
ing his  rank  to  his  pursuers,  they  redoubled  their 
efforts,  until  they  forced  him  to  betake  himself  to 
the  river,  in  which  he  plunged  forward  with  great 
haste.  Unluckily,  his  foot  slipped  upon  a  stone,  and 
this  not  only  delayed  him,  but  brought  him  down  so 
far  as  to  wet  the  gun  which  he  still  carried  in  one 
hand ;  "  upon  which  accident,  he  confessed  soon  after 
(we  are  told,)  that  his  heart  and  bowels  turned  within 
him,  so  as  he  became  like  a  rotten  stick,  void  of 
strength." 

Thenceforth  he  submitted  to  his  destiny  without  a 
struggle.  He  was  a  large,  muscular  man;  and  as 
Hubbard  himself  allows,  of  "  great  courage  of  mind/' 
as  well  as  strength  of  body;  but  the  foremost  of  the 
hostile  party,  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  laid  hold 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  337 

of  him  without  his  making  the  slightest  resistance. 
The  first  Englishman  who  came  up  was  Robert  Stan- 
ton,  a  young  man  of  some  twenty  years  old ;  yet  adven- 
turing to  ask  him  a  question  or  two,  (continues  the 
hfstorian,  with  a  touch  of  feeling  which  does  him 
credit,)  the  manly  Sachem  looked  somewhat  disdain- 
fully upon  his  youthful  face,  and  replied  in  broken 
English,  "  you  much  child  —  no  understand  war, — 
let  your  chief  come  —  him  I  will  talk  with."  The 
English  offered  him  his  life  if  he  would  submit  to 
their  government,  but  he  would  make  no  submission 
of  any  kind.  They  suggested  his  sending  one  of  his 
men  to  propose  terms  to  his  Narraghansett  warriors 
in  the  west;  but  he  refused  with  scorn.  He  was  then 
told  of  the  enmity  he  had  manifested  towards  the 
English.  "And  many  others,"  he  replied  haughtily, 
"will  be  found  of  the  same  mind  with  myself.  Let 
me  hear  no  more  of  that."  When  informed  of  what 
his  fate  must  inevitably  be,  he  only  answered,  "  It  is 
well.  I  shall  die  before  my  heart  is  soft. —  I  shall 
speak  nothing  which  Canonchet  should  be  ashamed 
to  speak. —  It  is  well."  Even  those  who  have  censured 
the  Sachem  most,  touched  with  the  fine  dignity  of  his 
last  hours,  would  fain  search  in  the  theory  of  a  Pytha- 
gorean Metempsychosis  for  the  secret  of  his  great- 
ness. Some  old  Roman  ghost,  say  they,  must  have 
possessed  the  body  of  this  Western  Pagan. 

He  was  soon  afterwards  taken  to  Stonington,  in 
Connecticut,  where  Dennison's  expedition  had  been 
fitted  out;  and  there  was  executed  upon  him  the 
sentence  of  death.  That  all  concerned  in  the  cap- 
ture of  so  proud  a  victim  might  be  gratified  with  a 
share  in  the  honors  of  his  slaughter,  the  English  con- 

M   of  H.— XXX— 22 


338  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

tented  themselves  with  being  spectators  of  the  scene, 
while  the  Pequots  were  permitted  to  shoot  him,  the 
Mohegans  to  behead  and  quarter  him,  and  Ninigret's 
men  to  kindle  the  pile  upon  which  he  was  burned. 
As  a  token  of  love  and  fidelity  to  their  civilized  allies, 
his  head  only  was  reserved,  to  be  presented  to  the 
English  council  at  Hartford.  It  is  remarkable,  that 
Oneco,  on  this  occasion,  took  the  same  part  in  the 
execution  of  Canonchet,  and  under  similar  circum- 
stances, which,  nearly  forty  years  before,  his  father 
Uncas  had  taken  in  that  of  Miantonomo,  the  father 
of  Canonchet. 

Thus  fell,  in  the  prime  of  his  manhood,  the  last 
Chief-Sachem  of  the  Narraghansetts,  the  grand-nephew 
of  Canonicus,  and  the  son  of  Miantonomo.  The  Eng- 
lish historians  of  his  own  period  may  be  excused  for 
the  prejudice  with  which  they  regarded  him  (as  they 
did  all  who  fought  for  the  same  cause  with  the  same 
courage,)  and  which  nevertheless  affords  to  the  reader 
of  these  days  the  most  satisfactory  proof  of  his  high 
reputation  and  formidable  talents.  u  This/'  says  one 
writer,  "  was  the  confusion  of  a  damned  wretch,  that 
had  often  opened  his  mouth  to  blaspheme."  Again ; — 
"  as  a  just  reward  of  his  wickedness  he  was  adjudged 
by  those  who  took  him  to  die." 

It  were  useless  to  dispute  these  positions,  for  every 
reader  of  history  possesses  the  means  of  forming  a 
just  opinion  whether  or  not  they  are  sound.  But  at 
all  events,  (as  an  author  of  a  more  liberal  period  has 
observed,)  we  may  surely  at  this  day  be  permitted 
to  lament  the  unhappy  fate  of  this  noble  Indian,  with- 
out incurring  any  imputation  for  want  of  patriotism. 
In  the  entire  compass  of  Indian,  and  we  might  perhaps 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  339 

add,  civilized  history,  there  is  no  finer  instance  of  that 
generous  and  chivalrous  character,  which  —  whatever 
it  might  be  termed  under  other  circumstances  —  in 
the  situation  of  Canonchet,  and  with  his  sincere  and 
strict  principles,  can  only  be  approved  and  admired, 
as  humanity  to  the  suffering  who  sought  his  protec- 
tion ;  as  fidelity  to  his  own  and  his  father's  friends ; 
as  a  proud  and  lofty  sacrifice  of  royalty,  liberty  and 
life  itself  to  honor;  as  patriotism  to  his  country,  and 
as  religion  to  his  gods. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Account  of  the  Pawtucket  confederacy  in  New  Hampshire. — Passaconaway, 
their  Chief  Sachem. — He  is  disarmed  by  order  of  the  Massachusetts 
Government. — His  residence,  age  and  authority. — He  maintains  a  good 
understanding  with  the  English. — Visits  Boston. — The  Apostle  Elliot's 
acquaintance  with,  and  notice  of  him. — His  views  of  Christianity. — 
Festival,  and  Farewell  speech  to  his  tribe  in  1660. — Death  and  char- 
acter.— His  son  and  successor,  Wonolanset. — Anecdotes  of  the  family. 
— Legend  of  Passaconaway's  feats  as  a  Powah. 

TURNING  our  attention  to  a  part  of  the  country 
and  to  a  people  which  have  not  yet  been  the 
subject  of  special  notice,  we  shall  now  intro- 
duce,   with    the    following   passage    from    Winthrop's 
Journal,  an  individual  of  far  too  much  distinction  to 
be  wholly  overlooked.    The  date  is  of  July,  1642 : — 

"  There  came  letters  from  the  court  at  Connecticut, 
and  from  two  of  the  magistrates  there,  and  from  Mr. 
Ludlow  near  the  dutch,  certifying  us  that  the  Indians 
all  over  the  country  had  combined  themselves  to  cut 
off  all  the  English  —  that  the  time  was  appointed 
after  harvest  —  the  manner  also  they  should  go,  by 
small  companies  to  the  chief  men's  houses  by  way 
of  trading  &c.  and  should  kill  them  in  the  house  and 
seize  their  weapons,  and  then  others  should  be  at 
hand  to  prosecute  the  massacre.  *  *  Upon  these  letters 
the  Governor  called  so  many  of  the  magistrates  as 
were  near,  and  being  met  they  sent  out  summons  for 
a  general  court  to  be  kept  six  days  after,  and  in  ,the 
meantime  it  was  thought  fit,  for  our  safety,  and  to 

(340) 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  341 

strike  some  terror  into  the  Indians,  to  disarm  such 
as  were  within  our  jurisdiction.  Accordingly  we  sent 
men  to  Cutshamkin  at  Brantree  to  fetch  him  and  his 
guns,  bows,  &c.  which  was  done,  and  he  came  will- 
ingly, and  being  late  in  the  night  when  they  came  to 
Boston,  he  was  put  in  the  prison,  but  the  next  morn- 
ing, rinding  upon  examination  of  him  and  divers  of 
his  men,  no  ground  of  suspicion  of  his  partaking  in 
any  such  conspiracy,  he  was  dismissed.  Upon  the 
warrant  which  went  to  Ipswich,  Rowlye  and  New- 
berry  to  disarm  Passaconamy,  who  lived  by  Merri- 
mack,  they  sent  forth  forty  men  armed  the  next  day, 
being  the  Lord's-day,  but  it  rained  all  the  day,  as  it 
had  done  divers  days  before  and  also  after,  so  as  they 
could  not  go  to  his  wigwam,  but  they  came  to  his 
son's  and  took  him,  which  they  had  warrant  for,  and 
a  squa  and  her  child  which  they  had  warrant  for,  and 
therefore  order  was  given  so  soon  as  he  heard  of  it, 
to  send  them  home  again.  They  fearing  his  son's 
escape,  led  him  in  a  line,  but  he  taking  an  opportunity, 
slipped  his  line  and  escaped  from  them,  but  one  very 
indiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  missed  him 
narrowly." 

The  Sachem  here  mentioned,  and  commonly  called 
Passaconaway,  was  generally  known  among  the  In- 
dians as  the  Great  Sagamore  of  Pannuhog,  or  Pena- 
cook  —  that  being  the  name  of  the  tribe  who  inhabited 
Concord,  (New  Hampshire)  and  the  country  for  many 
miles  above  and  below,  on  Merrimac  river.  The  Pena- 
cooks  were  among  the  most  warlike  of  the  northern 
Indians ;  and  they,  almost  alone,  seem  to  have  resisted 
the  occasional  ancient  inroads  of  the  Mohawks,  and 
sometimes  even  to  have  carried  the  war  into  their 


342  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

territories.  One  of  their  forts,  built  purposely  for 
defence  against  these  invasions,  was  upon  Sugar-Ball 
Hill,  in  Concord;  and  tradition  indistinctly  preserves 
to  this  time  the  recollection  of  an  obstinate  engage- 
ment between  the  two  tribes,  which  occurred  on  the 
banks  of  the  Merrimac  in  that  vicinity. 

The  Penacooks  were  one  member  of  a  large  con- 
federacy, more  or  less  under  Pessaconaway's  control, 
which,  beside  comprising  several  small  tribes  in 
Massachusetts,  extended  nearly  or  quite  as  far  in  the 
opposite  direction  as  the  northern  extremity  of  Lake 
Winepissiogee.  Among  those  who  acknowledged  sub- 
jection to  him  were  the  Agawams  (at  Ipswich),  the 
Naamkeeks  (at  Salem,)  the  Pascataquas,  the  Accom- 
intas,  and  the  Sachems  of  Squamscot,  Newichwannock 
and  Pawtucket, —  the  latter  being  also  the  National 
name  of  all  the  confederates.  Passaconaway  is  sup- 
posed to  have  resided,  occasionally,  at  what  is  now 
Haverhill  (Mass.)  but  he  afterwards  lived  among  the 
Penacooks. 

He  must  have  been  quite  advanced  in  life  at  the 
date  of  the  earliest  English  settlements  on  the  coast, 
for  he  is  said  to  have  died,  about  1665,  at  the  great 
age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  years,  though  that 
statement  indeed  has  an  air  of  exaggeration.  The 
first  mention  of  him  is  in  the  celebrated  Wheelwright 
deed  of  1629 — the  authenticity  of  which  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  discuss  in  this  connexion.  In  1642,  Passaquo 
and  Saggahew,  the  Sachems  of  Haverhill  (Mass.),  con- 
veyed that  township  to  the  original  settlers,  by  deed 
sealed  and  signed, —  the  consideration  being  three 
pounds  ten  shillings,  and  the  negotiation  expressly 
"  zvth  ye  consent  of  Passaconazuay." 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  343 

It  was  about  the  time  of  this  conveyance  that  the 
measures  already  mentioned  were  taken  for  '  disarm- 
ing '  the  old  chieftain.  That  was  clearly  a  most  un- 
exampled sketch  of  prerogative,  especially  as  Passa- 
conaway  had  hitherto  maintained  his  independence 
equally  with  his  apparent  good  will  for  the  English. 
There  is  some  apology  for  the  outrage  in  the  excite- 
ment of  the  period,  which  was  so  powerful,  it  appears, 
even  with  the  well-informed  and  well-meaning  citi- 
zens of  Boston,  that  they  hesitated  not  to  entertain 
the  Braintree  Sachem,  their  most  obedient  servant 
on  all  occasions,  in  the  town  jail.  Even  the  report 
of  a  gun,  in  the  night-time,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  town,  was  now  sufficient  to  rouse  the  good  citi- 
zens far  and  wide ;  and  the  shouts  of  a  poor  fellow 
at  Watertown,  who,  having  lost  himself  in  the  woods, 
cried  out  somewhat  lustily  for  help  I — help  I — against 
an  apprehended  assault  of  the  wild-cats  round  about 
him,  produced  an  alarm  hardly  less  serious  than  would 
probably  have  followed  an  actual  foray  of  the  Mo- 

hawks;  Bmcmft  Ufo 

This  excitement,  we  say,  furnishes  an  apology  for 

the  harsh  treatment  of  the  Grand  Sachem.  The  gov- 
ernment, upon  cool  reflection,  appears  to  have  been 
sensible  of  having  gone  too  far,  and  what  is  creditable 
to  them,  they  were  not  ashamed  to  make  such  expla- 
nation of  the  matter  promptly  and  politely,  to  the 
injured  party,  as  were  fitting  their  own  true  dignity 
as  well  as  his.  Governor  Winthrop,  speaking  of  the 
treatment  of  the  Squaw  and  the  Son  as  '  an  unwar- 
ranted proceeding,'  and  conceiving  "  that  Passacona- 
my  would  look  at  it  as  a  manifest  injury/'  called  the 
court  together,  and  proposed  measures  of  reparation. 


344  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Cutchamequin  was  accordingly  sent  to  the  old  Sachem, 
to  disclaim  any  order  for  kidnapping  the  woman  and 
child,  and  discharging  a  musket  at  the  boy,  and  to  ex- 
plain to  him  the  real  purpose  and  principle  of  the  war- 
rant. Passaconaway  listened  with  composure,  and 
returned  answer  that  whenever  the  two  absent  mem- 
bers of  his  family  should  be  returned,  he  would  of 
his  own  accord  render  in  the  required  artillery — (and 
this,  it  would  seem,  the  warparty  which  went  out 
from  Boston  on  the  Sabbath,  had  not  after  alj  been 
able  to  effect.)  One  of  them  was  still  in  custody,  and 
the  other  had  taken  refuge  in  the  woods.  "Accord- 
ingly" adds  our  authority,  "  about  a  fortnight  after,  he 
sent  his  eldest  son,  who  delivered  up  his  guns,"  &c. 
The  fair  inference  is  that  the  conditions  made  by  the 
Sachem  were  performed  to  his  satisfaction. 

At  all  events,  he  considered  it  a  good  policy  to 
maintain  peaceable  relations  with  his  much  excited 
neighbors ;  he  wras  too  old,  as  most  of  his  near  relatives 
—  children  or  grand-children  —  seem  to  have  been  too 
young.  On  the  other  hand,  the  English  movements 
in  this  case,  taken  together,  certainly  indicate  a  res- 
pectful estimate  of  his  character ;  and  in  fact  the  policy 
by  which  he  was  gained  over,  was  so  much  valued, 
that  either  Mr.  Winthrop  alludes  to  his  one  act  of 
submission  repeatedly,  or  else  the  Government  trou- 
bled itself  to  have  the  scene  actually  rehearsed  as 
many  times : — 

"  At  this  court/'  says  the  Journal,  for  the  spring 
of  1644,  "  Passaconamy,  the  Merrimack  Sachem  came 
in  and  submitted  to  our  Government,  as  Pumham  &c. 
had  done  before." 

And  again,  in  1645  — "  At  this  Court,  in  the  third 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  345 

month,  Passaconamy,  the  Chief  Sachem  of  Merrimack, 
and  his  sons,  came  and  submitted  themselves  and  their 
people  and  lands  under  our  jurisdiction,  as  Pumham 
and  others  had  done  before." 

One  of  the  most  distinct  notices  of  the  old  Saga- 
more occurs  in  that  ancient  tract,  "  The  Light  Ap- 
pearing &c."  most  of  which  was  written  by  the  apostle 
Elliot,  in  1649.  He  preached  about  that  time  at  Pau- 
tucket,  that  being  "  a  fishing  place  where  from  all 
parts  they  met  together." 

"  The  Chief  Sachem  at  this  place,"  says  Mr.  Elliot, 
"  and  of  all  Mermak,  is  Papassaconaway,  whom  I 
mentioned  unto  you  the  last  yeere.  who  gave  up  him- 
self and  his  sonnes  to  pray  unto  God]  this  man  did  this 
yeere  show  very  great  affection  to  me,  and  to  the 
Word  of  God."  The  writer  adds,  that  the  Sagamore 
even  urged  his  solicitations  importunately  using  withal 
many  "  elegant  arguments,  with  much  gravity,  wis- 
dome  and  affection."  He  observed,  among  other 
things,  that  the  preacher's  coming  there  once  a  year 
did  them  but  little  good,  "  because  they  soone  had 
forgotten  what  he  taught,  it  being  so  seldome,  and  so 
long  betwixt  the  times."  Another  sound  suggestion 
was,  that  the  Sagamore  had  many  subjects  who 
"  would  not  beleeve  him  that  praying  to  God  was 
so  good,"  whereas  as  no  doubt  they  might  be  con- 
vinced by  the  preaching  itself.  Nor  did  Mr.  Elliot, 
he  thought,  allow  himself  leisure  enough  to  explain 
and  prove  what  he  asserted.  It  was  "  as  if  one  should 
come  and  throw  a  fine  thing  among  them,  and  they 
earnestly  catch  at  it,  and  like  it  well,  because  it  looks 
finely,  but  could  not  look  into  it,  to  see  what  is  within, 
—  whether  something  or  nothing,— stock,  stone  or 


346  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

precious  jewel."  So  it  was  with  praying;  it  might  be 
excellent,  as  it  seemed, —  but  on  the  other  hand  it 
might  be  hollow  and  empty, —  he  wished  to  see  it 
opened. 

Whether  this  sensible  advice  was  followed  as  far  as 
it  could  be,  is  uncertain ;  but  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  Sagamore  himself  became,  if  not  almost  a 
Christian,  yet  strongly  prepossessed  in  favor  of  tfie 
English.  In  1660,  an  English  gentleman,  who  had 
been  much  conversant  among  the  Indians,  was  in- 
vited to  a  great  dance  and  feast,  at  which  among 
other  ceremonies,  Passaconaway,  now  very  old,  made 
a  farewell  speech  to  his  people.  He  cautioned  them 
especially,  as  a  dying  man,  to  take  heed  how  they 
quarrelled  with  the  English.  He  said,  that  though 
they  might  do  the  whites  some  damage,  it  would 
prove  the  sure  means  of  their  own  destruction;  and 
that,  as  for  himself,  he  had  formerly  tried  his  utmost 
by  the  arts  of  sorcery  to  hinder  their  settlement  and 
increase,  but  all  to  no  purpose. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  when  Philip's  war  broke  out, 
fifteen  years  after  this  transaction,  Wonolanset,  the 
Sagamore's  son  and  successor,  withdrew  both  himself 
and  his  people  into  some  remote  place,  where  he 
wholly  escaped  the  disasters  and  excitement  of  the 
times.  Probably  there  was  no  other  instance  of  the 
kind  among  all  the  tribes. 

The  allusion  made  by  Passaconaway  to  the  arts  of 
sorcery  should  be  explained,  by  observing  that  he 
had  formerly  been,  for  a  long  term  of  years,  one  of 
the  most  noted  Powahs,  or  Conjurors,  ever  heard  of 
among  the  Indians  of  New  England.  Perhaps  his 
dominion  itself,  and  certainly  the  greater  part  of  his 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  347 

influence,  was  acquired  by  his  talents  exercised  in 
that  capacity.  He  indeed  excelled  his  contempora- 
ries, as  all  historians  allow,  in  general  sagacity  and 
duplicity,  as  well  as  in  moderation  and  self-command ; 
but  these  were  the  very  qualities  proper  for  playing 
off  that  game  on  the  extreme  superstition  of  the  In- 
dians, which  has  so  frequently  been  tried  among  them, 
and  yet  so  rarely  with  a  very  prevalent  or  very  per- 
manent success. 

But  Passaconaway's  attempt  was  no  failure.  He 
induced  the  savages  to  believe  in  his  power  to  make 
water  burn,  and  trees  dance ;  to  metarmorphose  him- 
self into  a  flame ;  and  to  raise,  in  winter,  a  green 
leaf  from  the  ashes  of  a  dry  one,  and  a  living  serpent 
from  the  skin  of  one  which  was  dead.  Few  modern 
practitioners,  we  presume,  have  surpassed  the  old 
Sagamore  in  the  arts  of  legerdemain.  These,  how- 
ever, were  not  his  substantive  profession,  or  at  least 
not  long.  The  politician  soon  emerged  from  the  slough 
of  the  juggler.  The  Priest  became  a  Sachem;  the 
Sachem,  the  Grand  Sagamore  of  Penacook ;  and  the 
Sagamore  preserved  not  only  his  own  power,  but  his 
son's  after  him,  by  a  series  of  diplomatic  demonstra- 
tions, and  a  few  words  of  '  elegant '  civility,  which, 
without  disparaging  his  importance  with  his  country- 
men, made  him  the  most  agreeable  neighbor  to  the 
English. 

That  Passaconaway  was  living  as  late  as  1662, 
appears  from  the  following  annecdote  of  that  date. 
Manataqua,  Sachem  of  Saugus,  made  known  to  the 
chief  of  Panacook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  his  daugh- 
ter, which  being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  the  wed- 
ding was  soon  consummated,  at  the  residence  of  Passa- 


318  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

conaway,  and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  a  great 
feast.  According  to  the  usages  of  chiefs,  Passacona- 
way  ordered  a  select  number  of  his  men  to  accompany 
the  new  married  couple  to  the  dwelling  of  the  husband. 
When  they  had  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feasting 
followed,  for  the  entertainment  of  his  friends,  who 
could  not  be  present  at  the  ceremony  in  the  first  in- 
stance, as  well  as  for  the  escort;  who,  when  this  was 
ended,  returned  to  Pennakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  Manataqua  expressing 
a  desire  to  visit  her  father's  house  and  friends,  was 
permitted  to  go,  and  a  choice  company  conducted  her. 
When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband,  her  father, 
instead  of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young 
Sachem  to  come  and  take  her  away.  He  took  this  in 
high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law  this  answer : 
"  When  she  departed  from  me,  I  caused  my  men  to 
escort  her  to  your  dwelling,  as  became  a  chief.  She 
now  having  an  intention  to  return  to  me,  I  did  expect 
the  same."  The  elder  Sachem  was  in  his  turn  angry, 
and  returned  an  answer  which  only  increased  the 
difference ;  and  it  is  believed  that  thus  terminated  the 
connexion  of  the  new  husband  and  wife. 

In  the  Third  Volume  of  Farmer  and  Moore's  His- 
torical Collections,  may  be  seen  an  account  of  the 
death  of  an  Indian  called  Saint  Aspinquid,  May  1st, 
1682,  at  Mount  Agamenticus  on  the  coast  of  Maine, 
where  his  tombstone  is  said  to  be  still  visible.  It  is 
also  stated,  that  he  was  born  in  1588,  and  of  course 
died  aged  about  ninety-four;  that  he  was  over  forty 
years  old  when  he  was  converted  to  Christianity,  that 
from  that  time  he  employed  himself  in  preaching  the 
gospel  among  the  Indians;  and  that  his  funeral  obse- 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY  349 

quies  were  attended  by  many  Sachems  of  various 
tribes,  and  celebrated  by  a  grand  hunt  of  the  warriors. 

We  are  inclined  to  hazard  the  hypothesis,  that  this 
Saint  was  no  other  than  our  Sagamore ;  that  Agamen- 
ticus  was  the  retreat  of  Wonolanset,  or  at  least  of 
his  father,  during  and  subsequent  to  Philip's  war;  and 
that  the  latter  obtained  his  new  name  from  his  new 
friends,  and  the  title  attached  to  it  from  an  English 
source.  It  certainly  would  be  remarkable,  that  so 
many  and  such  particulars  should  appear  of  the  death 
of  a  man  never  before  heard  of.  And  on  the  other 
hand,  the  reputation  and  the  age  attributed  to  Aspin- 
quid,  agree  strikingly  with  those  of  Passaconaway.  By 
his  '  preaching  '  must  be  meant  his  sacred  character  and 
the  great  exertions  he  made  to  keep  peace  with  the 
English ;  and  the  date  of  the  alleged  '  conversion/  we 
suppose  to  have  been  the  same  with  that  of  his  first 
acquaintance  with  the  whites  in  1629. 

Our  sketch  may  be  fitly  concluded  with  one  of 
those  popular  traditions  concerning  the  old  Chief, 
which  happens  still  to  be  in  such  preservation  as  to 
form  now  and  then,  in  some  sections  of  the  country, 
the  burden  of  a  fireside  tale.  It  is  probably  a  fair  illus- 
tration of  the  opinion  entertained  of  his  abilities  by 
the  credulous  of  his  own  era. 


He  said,  that  Sachem  once  to  Dover  came, 
From  Pennacook,  when  eve  was  setting  in. 
With  plumes  his  locks  were  dressed,  his  eyes  shot  flame; 
He  struck  his  massy  club  with  dreadful  din, 
That  oft  had  made  the  ranks  of  battle  thin; 
Around  his  copper  neck  terrific  hung 
A  tied-together,  bear  and  catamount  skin ; 
The  curious  fishbones  o'er  his  bosom  swung, 
And  thrice  the  Sachem  danced,  and  thrice  the  Sachem  sung. 


350  INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY 

Strange  man  was  he !     'T  was  said,  he  oft  pursued 
The  sable  bear,  and  slew  him  in  his  den ; 
That  oft  he  howled  through  many  a  pathless  wood, 
And  many  a  tangled  wild,  and  poisonous  fen, 
That  ne'er  was  trod  by  other  mortal  men. 
The  craggy  ledge  for  rattlesnakes  he  sought, 
And  choked  them  one  by  one,  and  then 
Overtook  the  tall  gray  moose,  as  quick  as  thought, 
And  then  the  mountain  cat  he  chased,  and  chasing  caught 

A  wondrous  wight!    For  o'er  'Siogee's  ice, 
With  brindled  wolves,  all  harnessed  three  and  three, 
High  seated  on  a  sledge,  made  in  a  trice, 
On  mount  Agiocochook,  of  hickory, 
He  lashed  and  reeled,  and  sung  right  jollily; 
And  once  upon  a  car  of  flaming  fire, 
The  dreadful  Indian  shook  with  fear,  to  see 
The  king  of  Penacook,  his  chief,  his  sire, 
Ride  flaming  up  towards  heaven,  than  any  mountain  higher. 


THE  END  OF  VOL.  I. 


